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NAteATIVE

OF VARIOUS , JOURNEYS

BALOCHISTAN

A FGHA NISTAN

the panjab, & KALAT,

®urtnB a

Ifluntttcs,

TO WHICH IS AdA

L' account of the insurrection at kal^

te '- '' BALOCHISTAN,

By CHARLES M ASSON, Esq.

IIjIirSTRATEB WITH A tApnn

a lARQI. map aNB numerous E.VGRAVrN

VOLUMES,

LONDON

RIOHARD BENTLEY, NEW BT

Hi ©rlftiiari, ta

1844.

CONTENTS

THE TriiRD VOLUME

CHAPTEE I,

PAOK

Jsaiyad Keramat Ah'. — His adventure. — The
Khan’s services.— Lieutenant Conplly.— Saiyad Mail
Eeasons for it,— Government proposal to Saiyad Kers
commmucations with Captain Wade. -His recon
Seventy of the winter— Indications of spring.— Gc
arm ai^ cold snow. — Destruction of houses.—
flowers.— Water-fowl.— Gnats.—
wa^.-*S,«a,g of Biver— Dost Mdhomed ‘Khan’s
gsh remark.- Earthquafces.—The Shakufa — The A
Khurban.— Abdul Samad.— His arrival at Kabal.— 1
His release and employment.-His power.-Colone
Thmder showers -Winds.-Progress of the season.,
tebles. Leisure for inquiry .-Dost Mahomed Khan

r popularity with the

nions of higher classes.

CHAPTEE n

Sirafraz Khan.— Dost Mahomed Kh,
and attractions.— Dost Mahomed Khai
Fati Khan’s revenge of his father's death,
tion.— Youth of Dost Mahomed Khan.-
The Vazir’s jealousy and
—Seeks refuge in the roy

•n’s mother— Her
's neglected education. —
-His successes and elewa-
Mahomed Azem Khan.—
•Dost Mahomed Kh4n’s perfidy
-Mahomed Azesidiiitea(jA«rf'

• •

• J \

CONTENTS

THE THIRD VOLUME.

CHAPTER L

I'AO'K

Saiyad Keramat AH. — His adventure, The Nawab Jab^ir
Khan’s services. — Lieutenant Conolly. — Saiyad Maihin’s reward. —
Reasons for it.— Government proposal to Saiyad Keramat Ah'. — His
communications with Captain Wade. ^ — His recommendation. —
Severity of the winter. — Indications of spring. — General thaw. —
Warm and cold snow, — Destruction of houses. — Nazzar IMba
Adam. — V ernal flowers. — W ater-fowL— Gnats. — » Chdkrf. » — Ra-^
wash, — Swelling of River.— Dost MI,homed Khan’s order. — ^Wag-
gish remark. — Earthquakes. — The Shakufa. — -The Arghawan.— Id
Khurban. — Abdul Samad. — His arrival at Kiibal. — His seizure.—
His release and employment. — His power. — ^ Colonel Stotblart, —
Thunder showers. — Winds. — Progress of the season. — Early vege-
tables. Leisure for inquiry. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s celebrity. —
His appearance at Ghazni, — His popularity with the pcKiple. — ^Opi-
nions of higher classes. . . .

CHAPTER II,

♦ .

Sirafraz Kh to. —Dost Mahomed Khan’s mother,— Her charms
■and attractions. — Dost Mahomed' Khto’s m-eglected ■education.—
Fati Khan’s revenge of his father’s death.— His successes and elcwii- ^
tion. — -Youth of Dost Mahomed Khan, — Mihomed Azem Klito.—
The Vazir’s jealousy and remark. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s perfidy,
— Seeks refuge in the royal camp.— M'ahomed Azem^^^i|meiheci.

• #

'§

CONTENTS.

* i

Dost Mahomed Khan’s aequaintainft) with Jai Singh. — I-.axity oi*
Fati Khan. — ^Jai^Singh’s flight to Pesliawer. — KlunPs ])t>licv. —
Tajiks of the Kohistan. — Their condition. — Dost Mahomed Khan
appointed to the Koki^an. — His proceedings. — Khwoja J\hai^i in-
veigled and slain.— Slaughter of Koh Daman chiets.“-Tri'atment of *
robber chiefs. — Improved state of Koli Daman. — Fati Khaifs ad-
vance upon Taghow,— Fati Khan’s caution.— Recovery of Kashmir.

— The Vazir’s interview with Ran jit Singli.— Atak sold to Ranjit
Singh.— Battle of Haidaro. — Dost Mahomed Klian’.s gallantry.— .
Pati Khan’s military talent. — His suspicious conduct.— Activity of
his enemies.— Expedition projected.— Fati Khan’s return to Ka’bal.

— His triumph over his enemies.— March to Herat. — Haji Kiian’.s
early career.— Friendship with Dost Alahomcd Khan.— Relievc.s liis
necessities.— Seizure of Firoz Dm.— Dost Alahomed Khan’s crimi-
nal conduct.— Flight to Kashmir.— Shahzada Karnran.— His cliarac -
ter.— His jealousy of Fati Khan.— Fati Khan’s supposed views.—
Popular conjectures. — Shalizada Karnran prompted to tiction.* — His
sister’s reproach. — The Vazir’s action with Kajar. — His wound
and retreat. — Fati Ali Shah’s apprehension and remark.— State of
Afghanistan.— Fati Khan’s seizure the signal ibr the diKsolution of
the monarchy.— Fur Dil Khan made prisoner by Shahzada Kdm-
ran. Made mir of the Barak Zai tribe. — Escapes to Andali.— Hdji
Khan declines the Shahzlida’s offers.— Joins Fur Dil Khan.— Son.s
of Sirafraz Khan. — List and di.sposition of tlieiu. , . y

CHAPTER 111.

Karardns march to Kabul. — Dost Maliomed Kiian’.s release —
Protests against Mahomed Azeni Klian’s inactiv<‘ views.— Vblun-
teers^to oppose Karnran.— Advances upon Kahul— Attfi Mahomed

Khan. Made Miikhtahar Dowlah. — Shah W'ali Khan Shir Md-

homed Khan.-Rcpkcod by Wafmhir paraivsi.s

. Sudden cure.-I^trigues with the Suni faetiens.-Ek.,,,!..; HI, Ah
Sujah al Mulkh.— Recmers*lvashinir.— Supp()rts Prinet^ Kaisnr —
Slam at Peshawer.-Atta Mahome.l Khan invites Shah .Sujah al
MuM.- Confines hini.-Kamran’s reveufre.- Attu M.-iimmod
Ehajssommunioation with Dost Mtthomed Khan.— llis treachery
-Is ilinded.-Sudden fall.-Sicge of Balia llissar— E.scap,. of
nnce Jehangh^.— Preparations at Hcrat.-Approach of .Mahomed
A^em KMn-^D^Shoroed Khan’s discontent.-Proclaims Sul-

F , . . n

mi'mK

COIiRPENTS. vii

*• ♦ I

* % * '

tan All king/— Herat army manclies to Kcin<kliar*--Theiice to
Chaliar Assiah. — Procipi!;ate retreat. — Reasons for. — KarKlahar
to Shah Aleihintid. — Aiahoined Azem Khan invites ^?llah Sijjah nl
AJiilkh.— ConJ^est with Shah Sujah al AIulkh. 5 p<i^\yuh Shafs made
k ftrg . — A n-angeincnts . — M iireh upon SI \ ikarpu r . — 1 >< ist M li hon u h i
Khan again proclaims Sultan AIL— Return of Alalmmed Azem
Khan. — Discussion. — Dost Alahomed Khan’s proposal t(i Sultan
AIL — Mahomed Azem Khan’s proposal to Shlih Ayuh,— Sfiltan A!i
strangled. — Bhah Sujah al Alulkh’s army dispersed.— Ingenuity of
the Sind amirs. — Alahotned Azem Khan’s presence ot' mind,— In-

trigues in his camp. — -Evil intentions of Dost Alahomed Khan and
Slur Dll Klum. — Alahomed Azem Khan’s retreat, — KKpeditiim
against the Sikhs. — Ranjit Singh \s rneasiire.s.~-"Iiis ovt‘rture.s to the
chiefs of Peshawer. — Fliglit of Jai Singli. — Dost Alahonu'd Khan
proffers his services to Ranjit Singh.— Alahomed Azem Khan de-
ceived by A'ar Alahomed Khan. — Dost iMahomed Khan’s tlesign on
his treasure. — Mahomed Azem Klian’s irresolution.— Panic* and dis-
persal of his army. — Ranjit Singli occupies Peshawer.— Divides Pe«
shawer between Dost Alaliomed Khan and Yar Alahomed Khan. —
Death of Maliomed Azem Khan, — His character. — Huhih Flah
Khan, — Mahomed Azem Khan’s dying recommendation and retjuest.
— Pur Dil Khan reaches KabaL— His phins. — Ayiih Bhah’.s infa-
tuation. — Fur Dil Khan’s interview with Ayiih Biuih. — Opposition ^
of Shltlizlda Ismael. — Is skin. — Deposition of Aytib BhMi. — Retires
to Lahore.— Jabar Khan. — His career.— Defeated in Ka.‘=!hmfr. —
Governor of the Ghiljis. — His civility to Europeans, — Slighted l^y
Hahib Ulah Khan. — Dost Alahomed Khan’s attempts. — llaljih
Ulah Khan’s folly, — Defection of his cliiefs. — Inve.stment of Balia

Hissar. . ■ ..... . 39

CHAPTER lY, I

The Kandahar sirdar’s march to the aid of nabil> Ulah Khan. —
Dost Mahomed Khan retires. — Seizure of Habib Ulah* Kham — Do.st
MMiomed KhAn asserts himself his avengA’. — ^Sad state of KMial. —
Favourable dispositions to Dost Mahomed KhAn. — The KAndahar
sirdars desirous to secure and blind him.— Saved by HajI Khan. —
New arrangements. — HajI Khffn’s freak.— Engages in Dost
homed Khan’s service. — Siiltan Alahomed Khan’s errors. — IBs lax
government.— Besieged by Dost Mahomed Khan. — Retires to Pe-
shawer. — Ahmed Shah. — His pretensions,- — His success* with the

Vlll

V ^ • .•

/I •

CONftiNTS.

%•

Yusaf Zais.— Oifends the Peshafir airdars.— Is betrayed by them.

New claims of Dost Mahomed Khan’s brokers, — Reduction of

Zurmat.— Return bo Kabal, and welcome.—Saiyad Ahmed Bhah's
movements.— Dost Mahomed Khan’s assistance to his |*esh||m'r
brothers.— Extravagances of Habib Ulah Khan.— His followeri se-
duced by Dost Mahomed Khan.— Discomfiture of the Nawab Jabfc
Khan.— March of Dost Mahomed Khan to Taghow.— His appre-
hensions of Mazulah. — ^Death of Mazulah.— Designs of Jelalabad,—
Defection in Dost Mahomed Khan’s army. — Arrangements. — Oaths,
—Resumption of the Ghilji governmenWEemarks on Dost M4-
homed Khan’s character.— His talents for husiness.— His adminis-
tration.— Projects of Shah Sujah-al-Mulkh.— Sentiments of the peo-
ple.— -Of Dost Mahomed Khan. — Proposal to assume royalty re-
jected. — Arrival of mission from Kunduz. — Visit of Mir Alam
Khan.— Views on Bajor.— Rumours and reports. , ,

CHAPTER V.

Researches Mound. — Discoveries. • — Tuz-leaf manuscripts. —

Images.— xijectures.— Antiquity of manuscripts.— Alarm of
^Hends. — Intercourse with Mdhomed Akhar Khan. — His sensible
^wations.— Anecdote of Mr. Moorcroft.— Dr. Gerard’s sculpture.
— Excursions. — ^Return of Haji Khan. — His reception. — Haji Khan’s
visit to Kunduz. — Hospitality of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg. — Re-
volt in Badakshan. — H&ji Khan’s Alima. — Treaty with Mdhomed
Mordd Beg. — ^R^hmatulah Beg’s replies. — Disposal of D4h Zanghi
captives. — Rahmatulah Beg’s parting remark. — Release of Mir Yez-
danbaksh’s relatives. — HSji Khan’s hints to them. — Haji Khan’s pro-
jects. — Samander Khan. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s discretion. — Haji
Khan’s final determination. — ^Dost Mahomed Khan’s reproaches. —
Haji Khan’s retort. — Entertainment of elchis and chiefs. — Theft.' —
Dost Mahomed Khan’s sarcastic counsel. — Haji Khan discharges
his followers.— His imputed design. — Hussdn Khan. — Haji Khan s
remark. — Movemei 3 .ts of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg, — Fate of Ma-
homed All Beg. — Ahdulah Khan. . . , ,

CHAPTER VI.

t •

Tour in Koh Daman^ &c. — Nanachi. — ^jVIirza Jafar Khan. — Kotal
Kers Khfina. — Tumuli. — Killa Kohclnan. — Nazir IMir AIi Khan.—
His conversation and travels. — Accident, — Shakr Dara. — Serai. —

CONTMTS. ix

.;•# - ^ I

BIzadi. — Bedalc. — KaK Dara. — Zirga«ah. — Cave. — Taluk of Fer-
zali . — Sekandar- Shall. — PerSan inscription, — Cascade, — Auriculas.

— Killa ShUhi. — Istalif. — Delightful view. — Ziarat Hazrat*Eshan, —
Azdha. — Orchards. — Taluk of Istalif. — Mahomed K^iah Khan. —

His c?lpturc*of Kahal, — His death. — Bolend Khiin. — His execution,

— Istargitch. — Approach to Charikar. — Town of Cluirikar. — Trade,

— Destruction of Gurkha battalion.' — Hupian. — Tutam Dam.—
Shesh Biirjeh. — Application. — Octogenarian invalid. — Taviz. — Dost
Mahomed Khan’s severity.— All Khin. — His recommendations to
his raiyats.-— Canals. — River of Tutam Dara. — Conflict and surren-
der of Dost Mahomed Khan.—Sultan Singh’s garden. — "History of
Sultan Singh. — ^His rise. — Plot of Mirza Imam VerdL — Sultlin
Singh’s adroitness. — Habib Ulah Khlin’s measures. — Sultan Singles
state. — Seizes his ancient employer. — Malek Isa Khan’s proposal. —
Sultan Singh swallows poison. — Jah Nimahi. — Tope Dara. — Simpli-
city. — Nekkak Perida. — Compass. — Fugitive of Hupian. — Sell
y aran.— Ziarat Derwish. — Killa Khurban. — Inhabitant.s of Cliari-
kar. — Shihmak. — Sanjit Dara. — Mahomed Jafar Khan. — Killa Mir
Saiyad Khan. — Kabal doctor. — Objects of excursion. — Killa 'olend.

— Plain of Begram. — Return. — Baloch Khan. — Coins. — App* hon-
sions of people, — Reports. — Killa Musa Khan.«— Tatarang 7,^
Kallakhan. — Tope. — Cheni Khana. — Killa Rajpiit. — Kotal Mama
Khatun.^ — Killa lltafat Klii^n. — Kotal Pah Mindr.- — Return to
Kabal, 109

CHAPTER VIL

Collections of coins. — Jealousy. — Importance of discoveries, —
Antifpies. — Site of Begram.— Hill ranges. — Neighbourbood of Be- ^
gram: — Tope. — Character of the Kohistan.— Magnificent view. —
Boundaries of Begram.— Evidences, — Mounds.— Tumuli. — ^Stonea.

— Site of city.— Deposits with the dead. — Testimony of fterodotus.
—Funereal jars.— Traditions.— Mode of sc^>iilture,— Absence of
data. — Hu|>idn. — Canal Mahighir. — Taimur’s colony,— Decline of
Bc%ram.— Signification of Bdgram.— B4gram of Kabah— Begram
of .lelalabad, — Begram of Peshawer.— Etymology. — Topes. — Anli» ^
quities of Kohistan. — Perwan,— Rdgh Rawan. — Localities in Pmy*-
shir,— Caves in Nij row. —Vestiges in Taghow.— Ruins in Ghor-
band.— Caves. — Ziarat.

148

hf ^ i

€ ' ^

/ i ^

CONTENTS.

CHAWKR VI] I.

PACiE

M. Honigbcrger. — His antiquaritiii operations. — Dr. Oevard. —
Adventures of AI. M^^^igbergcr. — Departure for Jelalab^id.'— Jid Oalu
— Incivility. — Bbut Khak. — Defile of Sokhta Olianar. — Gliilp guidf.

— Sell Baba. — Barik-ab. — Tagliow. — Sang Toda Baber Padsliah. —
Jigdillik. — ^ICotal Jigdillik. — Surkh Pul. — Old aequaiiitance. — ^Kba-
’111 KhaiVs story. — Samuches. — Troublesome night. — Kbalil KbunV
death. — Gandaniak. — N hnia. — Balia Bagh. — IVitang, — Ascent of
Slab Kob. — Caves . — Kajari. — Goraicb L — K ilia K a fr. — Cascades. —
Extensive view. — Shrine of Lot. — Large'graves,— Shrine of Laineeb.

— Opinions of the people. — Scriptural names. — The ibilf.— Seri]>turai
and classical testimony. —Pall conquests. — Early civilization.— Dif-
fusion of tlieir sciences and language. — Judicial astrology.— •Univer-
sality of Pall language. — Names of localities. — Shrines. . 171

CHAPTEIMX.

Dost Alahomed Khan’s designs. — Alovements of Shah Sujfih al
Alulkh. — Arrival of Aleher Dil Khan.— Sultan Alahonied Khan’s
visit to Jelalabad. — Plots, — Dost Alaliomed Khan’s feints. — Extor-
tions. — Projects and counter-projects. — Designs disclosed. — Haji
Khan discarded. — March of Dost Alahomed Khan. — Alir Afzil
Khan. — His ingenuity. — Submission of A'lahomed Osman Khan. —
Aleasures of Alabomed Zeman KbA.n. — Assault and capture of Jela-
labad. — Plunder of town. — Arrival of Nawhb .Tabdr Kban. — At-
tempt to assassinate Dost Alabomed Khan. — Fate of {issussin. — Ala-
homed Zeman Khan’s conduct. — His recent re-up])earunce.— Dis-
posal of Jelalabad.— Seizure of chiefs of Kbonar and Lalpuni. —
Abdul Gbiaz Kban. — His proposed mission to India. — Dost Ald-
bomed Khan’s objections. — Secret departure. — Altercation at Daka.

— Obstinacy of companions. — Reference to Sadat Kban. — His deci-
sion and message,— His conversation.— His fate. — Remarks tberetm,

— His successor in authority. — Slielman Kburd. — Alulla (Rmrt. —
Robbers.— Reception at Ispind Sang.— Arrival at Pesliawer.— Con-
fused state of affairs. — Ridiculous alaims. — Sbab Siijab al Alulkb’s
treaty. — The Siklis profit by circumstances. — Their mnlerstanding
wifb ligrties. — Proposal to the sirdars.— Advance of Sikli army.^ —
Stand of Haji Kban. — Peshawer taken, — Jocularity of Hari Singh.

— Pir Alabomed Khan’s valorous remark. — Abdiil Gbiaz KhatUs
arrangements. . . . ... . oi>3

• '■ ’yX;-

h n

CONTENTS.

Shatter X.

PAGE

Departure 4*om(iPesliawer.-~ March to Sh^khan.*v®x~sir(iars, —
Their convel'sation. — -Fati Mahomed Khan’s civility. — Encamp-
ment. —Bara river.— Popular credulity. — Departure for Minchini.

— Alarm on road. — Old monument,— Badragas. — Minelimf . — Ghilj i.

— Haidar Khtin. — Jalawans.— Fearful state of the river. — Consulta-
tion. — Passage of the river.— Rahmatulah’s dexterity. — Shelman. —

Ghilj i's piety.— Plain of Shelman. — Kotal. — Bahadar’s request. —
Daka Khurd.— Good fortune.— Congratulations. — Daka Kelan. —
Lalpura. — Curious conversation . — Suspicions. — Precautions. —
Khurd Khaihar. — Momand’s tale. — Momand’s intention. —PI azar-
noh.— Re-appearance of Ghilji, — Wilford’s Nysa and Mount Menl.

— Bassowal. — Ghilji and his gang. — Necessity for action. — Kohis-
tanis.— Night march. — Bati Kot. — Siirkh Dnvar. — Chaghatai castle.

— Goodwill of Kohistanfs. — MiTza Aga Jan. — His surmises, — My
ovni conjectures.— Ghilj I’s evil repute.— Subsequent attempts. —
Renewal of researches. . . . , . 231

CHAPTER XL

Arrival of ex-sirdars of Peshawcr. — Haji KhaiFs project. —
March of Dost Mahomed Khan to Kandahar. — Feeling in the
country. — Gulistan Kluin’s rebellion. — His ines.sage to Amu* Ma-
homed Khan. — Pkrction of Nawab Jabar Khan. — His ju'oposiil to
Dost Mahomed Khan. — Letter to the Shah. — Impnidoiiee of the
ShMi. — -Action near Kandahar. — Flight of tlie ShMi. — Fate of his
followers. — Errors of the expedition, — Intercepted cmTcspondeneo.
—Abdul Samad’s villainy. — Dost Mahomed Klian’s wish. —
of affairs at Kabal. — Letter from Kamran.— Deportment of Kanda-
har sirdars. — Return to Kabal. — Death of Amir Mahomed Kluin.
— Shamsadni Khan.— Proceedings of ex-siftlars of Pcshawer. —
Occupation of .lelalahad. — Disavowal of their ofliccrs. — ^Meeting
with Dost Mahomed Khan, — Letter to Ranjit Singli.— Kamrau’.s
offers to Shah Sujah al Mulkh. — The Shah’s distrust. — Flies tn
Lash — to Sistan — to Baloclhstam— Pursuit of the Bhah. — Genero-
sity of Mehnib Khan. — The Shiih retires upon Zehri and Bagh.-—
Plones.ty of Samandar Khan. — His death, — The BliMi’s reception.

# •

CONTENTS.

at Haidarabad. — His return to fiuduina.-~rDost Ma})ome<i Khilu^s
letter to Ludiana. — Reply. — Saiyad Keramat All’s officiousness. —
Dost Mahomed Khan’s promise, — The Saiyad"s dilemma. — His
ingenuity. — His gcro(}, fortune. , .

CHAPTER XI I.

Start on a tour to Khonar. — Bisut. — Tokchi. — Topes. — Puhvari.
— Bazarak. — Khonah Deh. — Malek Shafi, — Kohistanfs. — Khushal
Khan. — Tope of Khonah Deh. — Killa Padshah. — Fati Mahomed
Khan. — Islamabad.' — Saiyad Hissam and his ladies. — IMistakeu ft)r
Bazf-ghars. — Remains at Islamabad. — Route to Chitnll. — Dara
Nur. — Barkot and Daminj. — Mahomed Zeman Khan’s failure.—
Kazi Khel family. — Feud. — Bilangar. — Bisut. — Return to Tatang.
— Trip to Lughman. — Killa Kafr. — Chaharbagh. — Kergah. — Man-
darawar, — Tirgari. — Rivers of Alishang and Alingar. — IVIumjuma. —
Namzat Bazi.— Fatal accident. — Ziarat Metar Lam Sahib. — Tomb.
— Wilford’s reveries. — Native traditions. — Sultan Mahmud’s
dream, — Discovery of Lamech’s grave. — Ancient vestiges. — Koh
Karinj.— Alishang.-— Nadjil. — Malek Osmfin. — Saleh Rand Kot, —
Rubies. — Alingar. — Dara Niazi, — Revenue of Liighman. — Extent
of cultivation. — Crops. — Eels. — Fire-flies. — Inhabitants. — Skilful
agi'iculturists. — Amusing story.- — Mahomed Akbar Klian's disaster.
— Tope of Murkln Kh^l. — ^Conjectures. — Nokar Khdl. — Murkhi
Khel. — Jajis. — Nasrulah. — ^Tumulus of Nokar Khel. — Departure
for Kabal. — Terikki. — Arrival at K'dbal.

CHAPTER XIII.

Dost Mahomed Khan’s intention to assume royalty. — Views and
opinions of parties.— Sultan Mdhomed Khan’s departure. — Day of
inauguration.— Ceremony.— Exhortations.— Remarks of his subjects.
— Dost Mahomed Khan’s dbmeanour.— His justificatiom — Prejiara-
tions for the war.— The Klian mulla’s dexterity.— PltmdtT of the
Hindus. — Mahomed Osman Khan’s address. — Dost Mdhomed
Kljan’^ intentions.— Extortion from Mahomodans.— Death of Sabz
All, Amount of exactions.- — March of troops.— Haji Khan’s depar-
ture.— State of the season.— Mirza Uzur.— Mahomed Kuli Khan.—
Progress to Jelalabdd.— Robbers at Se1i Baba.— Jigdillik.— Neces-

VACfK

255

27S

CONTENTS.

■PAOE

laity of Mahomed KuH ?Oian.— Gfand|;mak. — Darunta.— Deatli of
Naib Yar Mahomed.— Letters from Ludiana. — -EquiTocal nature
of employment,— Incivili^ of the Naw^b.—Saiyad ICeramat All’s
departure, — His tactics.— His ihtentions.—His a^isau^t on Ranjit
Si«gh. — ^J>elic|te duties,— Evils of Saiyad Keramat Alf s conduct. —
Afghan notions of ojffiicial oticpiette. . • . •

CHAPTER XIV,

CHAPTER XY,

XIV

CONTENTS.

Abdiilah Khan consigned to Seizure uiid .spoil of Abdi'ilali

Klian. — The Amir’s, repentance.— Restitution of property.— lbjpular
dissatisfaction.— Captain Wade’s interference. — ,R(*si<j> nation of ap-
pointment. — Cessjons^by Ranjit Singh to Sultan Alahotnc'd Khan.—
Letters from Peshawer. — The Nawah's willingnc'ss tt) he d#<’eiva!l.—
Interview with the Amif. — Events of i83h.— Seih's of intrigues and
alarms. — The AnnVs plans,— -Strives to gain over Alahotned Osman
Khan, — Sudden panic. — Ht\ji Khan’s reeoininemlation.'-- '1'}^. Khan
and his Hindu creditors. — The Amir's tinaneial uieasnre.<.—-Mo\e»
ments of the Sikhs and of Kamran. — Ilaji Khan's lamiarks on tlio
times.— Departure of PiT MahonuHl Khan.— I i is atteinpt<*d as^as-
tination.— Impediments thrown on liis retreat.— Kilters from India.
— Resume duties. — Intercourse lietweiai Kahal iUid Ludiana.—
Renewed communications with Persia. — Ilaji Ihralum.— dliissih Alt.
— Ivan Vektavich. — Plis seizure, release, and despaieh from Bok*
hara.— His intentions and assertions. — Aluh'd Samad's projt-i.ts,—
His influence in the Amir’s luiraiu, — The Amir’s evasion.— Jourm'V
to Tatang, . . . ,

34(1

CHAP'I’ER XVI.

Aggressions of Hari Singii, — -Preparatimis to ro|)ei it. — ^IK'spateli
of troops to Jclalabad, — Plans of attack. — Attempt ti> as.^ussinate
the Amir. — Retaliation of Mahomed Akhar Khun. — March into
Khaibar. — Cannonade of Jamrud.— Attack by llari Hingh,— Di.s
comfitiire of Afghans. — Battle renewe<l hy Sham.sudin Khun.— Dan-
ger of AmiVs sons.' — Feat of Aluhomed Akhar Khan.- - Dari Singh
mortally wounded. — Retreat of Sikhs.— Mir/a Sumi KhunX pmyoi>.
r>ont]-» of Hari Bingh.~--His intrepidity.— l>is|iutes in the Afghan
Altercation between Alalfil Sumuil and .Mir Ai/ll Khuti.—
of Afghan army. — Ilaji Khan’s deed.s in the Doaheb. — Leuali
Singh’s mes.sagcs. — ilaji Khan’s letUus to KahuL— CuiUest with
Lenah Singh. — Retreat of Haji Khftn. — His .suggestions n! Jelaiuhad.
—His treachery.— Abdul S^tmadks effrontery.— Hi.s lii'gntdatiou umf
dismissal. — Interview with tlie Amir. — With AlahmutHl Akintr
Khan. — -Mirza Sami Khan’s advice. — Correspoudenee hetweeii Biklis
and A%lians.— Return to Kabah— Adventure at Jigdillik.-^-K’eeep-
tion of Mdhomed Akhar Khun at KahaL — Disuii.ssal of Haji Klnin.
— His welcome at Kandahar. — His connexion witli the British.—
His unclerstanding with Oulu.— His pursuit of Dt^st Alulmmed Khan.

V I I , ^ • f

# • • •

• COiNTENTS. ' ■ • . ' XV

#■■■■' FAOE

— His final disposal — The Amir’s 4ispleasure with the Ghazni
chiels*-“-2ierin Khan’s remark. — Motives of displeasure, — Eeifioval
of Shamsadin Khan. — Reinonstranee of Kandahar Sirdans.— -Suppos-
ed pkns of the Arnir,---The AiniVs exultation. • • 381

CHAPTER VI r.

Intercourse between Kabal and India. — Letters to Lord Auckland.
< — Announcement of Captain Burnes’ mission. — -Letters from Cap-
tain Wade. — Replies. — Ludiana Akbar. — Further letters from Cap-
tain Wade. — Replies.— Persian Envoy, — Russian letters.— Mahom-
ed Shah’s firman. — Haji Ibrahim’s private letter. — Captain Wade’s
letters. — Kamber All’s difficulties. — Kandahar treaty. — Lieutenant
Yektavich. — Mahomed Hiissdn’s arrival at Kflbal. — His ridiculous
conversations. — Letters from Captain Burnes and Captain Wade. —
Interview with the Amir. — Favourable dispositions of Ranjit Singh.
— Night interview with the amir. — The Nawab’s counsel. — Lieu-
tenant Pottinger’s departure from Kabal. — Remarks on his presence
at Herat. — Siege of Herat. — Tlie Oovernor-generars warning off. —
Results. ......

CHAPTER XVIIL

Captain Burnes’ notion of his mission. — Fallacy of opening tiie
Indus. — Remarks on tMirnmerciul missions. — My eorres})ondenec. —
Letters from Ca])tain Burnes. — His arrival in Kabal. — Defect in in-
structions. — Captain VVkdo’s jealousy. — Obstaele.s,- — Advantages.—
Statement of my views.^ — Favonrahle concurrences.

CHAPTER XIX.

Captain Burnes' conversations. — His humility. — Visit of Mirza
Sami Khdn, — Resolutions of the am h* and hw atlvisens,— .I'heir dis-
closure. — My dissent. — 'I'he Nawab’s opinion. — Nature of the «{ues-
tion. — ■ Captain Burnes’ notice of proposals,-— Eeeommendatirais to
Lord Auckland. — Unnecessary alarms of Fensia. — Captain Bunit.'s’
delusion as to the amir. — Captain Burnes’ neglect. — DisputtMjn
prerogative, — Arrival of Velvtavich. — -His suspicious credentials." —
Dismay of Ca])tain Burnes. — His imprudent admissions. — Hussen

• 1 .

XVI

CONTENTS.

All. — Opinions at KabaL— Repins of Goveritmeiit. — Despatch of
Lieut. Le*ech to Kandahar. — Rejection of Dost Miihoined Khaifs
proposals. — Perplexing state of the mission.—^bscnce of Na'wal).—
Rage of Dost Mahomed Khan. — Unpleasant stay in Kabal. — Letter
from the Chairman of the Court of Directors. — Interview -^ith %Iirza ♦
Sami Khan. — His remains. — Intimation to cpiitKabnl. — Durbar con-
versations. — Determination to leave. — Proposals to seize Captain
Burnes. Assault on my house. — Good-will of the inhabitants. —
Parting interview with MirzaSami Kli^n. — Remarks on tlje mission.

— The Afghanistan eorrespondence. — Delusive intelligence andro-
ports.—- Object of Vektavich. — His reply to Dost Mahome<l Khan.

— His return to Kandahar. — Abu Khan. — Haji Hiisseu Ali Khan,
the Persian ambassador. . . . . , 451

CHAPTER XX.

Progress to Peshawer,* — Captain Burnes summoned to Lahore. —
Letter of Captain Burnes. — Reply of government. — Unsatisfuctory
employment. — Letters of Captain Burnes. — Letter of JMr. IVIiunuigh-
ten. — ^My recommendations. — Plans of the government. — Their <le-
velopment.— Mr. Macnaghtcn volunteers his services.— Jd is career
and fate.— Jew. — Dr. Lord’s Russian spy. — Captain Burnes’ n'pre-
sentation to Lord Auckland. — Mr. Colvin’s note. — My su})missi(>n. —
Offensive communications. — ^Resignation of service. — Excursion. —
Journey to Lahore and Perozpur,— Passage down the river. — Mr.
Macnaghten’s letter. — Interview with Sir Alexander Burnes. — Lord
Auckland’s offers. — Captain Burnes’ insincerity, — Dr. Lord’s ac-
count.— Sir Alexander Burnes’ account.— Application of Mr Mac-
naghten.— Squabbles.— Conclusion. .... 4hZ

JOURNEYS

BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN,
AND THE PAN JAB.

OHAPTEE I.

Saiyad Keramat AH. — His adventure. — ^The Nawdb Jdb4r Khdn’s
services. — Lieutenant Conolly. — Saiyad Maihin's reward. —
Reasons for it. — Government proposal to Saiyad Keramat AIL
—His communications with Captain Wade* — His recommend-
ation. — Severity of the winter. — Indications of spring* — General
thaw. — Warm and cold snow.— Destruction of houses. — Nazzar
Baba Adam. — Vernal flowers. — Water-fowl. — Gnats. — Chukri.
— Rawash. — Swelling of River.^ — Dost Mahomed Khan's order.
— Waggish remark. — Earthquakes. — The Shakufa. — ^The Ar-
ghawan. — Id Khurban.— Abdul Samad. — His arrival at KabaL
— His seizure. — His release and employment. — His power.—
Colonel Stoddart.- — Thunder showers. — Winds. — Progress of the
season. — Eaiiy vegetables. — Leisure for inquiry. — Dost Maho-
med Khan's celebrity. — His appearance at Ghazni, — His popu-
larity with the people.- — Opinions of higher classes.

A PEW days after my retisrn to KabaM was
surprised by a visit from a person armouncing him-
self as Saiyad Keramat AM, agent of the Supreme
Government of India. He informed me of his
travels, as companion of Lieutenant Arthur Conolly,

VOL. III. B

NAWAB JABAR KIIAN's j^KRVU'ES. •

• .

and of his adventures at'KabaJ. It.apjx'an'd, that
he had wished to preserve his iiH'oo-nito ; hut a
letter, destined for Herat, having hi'en intereeptt'd,
his existence, and the nature of his ('iiiplovui^Mit, .
became revealed, jtnd he %vas consigned to tlu*
bandi-khdna, or prison, of Dost Mahonu'd Khan.
The Naw4b Jabar Khan embractal with alacrity
the opportunity afforded of sliowing liis go(»d-\vill
to Europeans, and to those connected M-ith them,
and urged to his brothei-, that he had a singular
.method of evincing his desire to cultivate a iViend-
ship with the Sahiban of Hind, by placing the
first of their agents sent to K;ibal in durance.
The chief smiled, and admitted there was reason
in the nawab’s rebuke, while ho called for the
saiyad, that he might hear what ho had to say
for himself. His tale was, that his sole business
was to procure intelligence of Abbas JHfrm and
his movements. Dost Mahomed Kh;\n observed,
“Very good, they interest me also; take care not
to write anything about me.” The nawfib joy-
fully carried off the saiyad, and installed him in
apartments of his own house, where, under that
good man’s protection, ho securely and unre-
servedly prosajuted his vocations.

As the appointment of this saiyad |)roved tln^
first step in the intercourse between the Govern-
ment o£ India and the Barak Zai chiefs, it may
he profitable to note the causes loading to it, and
to explain its nature. Lieutenant Arthur Oouolly’s

I %

SAIYAD MAIHIN’S «|?WAR1).

tmvels are before the public. 1 hav(i junt'r reuil
them, but am aVarc that he ox]wrk‘ncc<l <1iirK‘uIti<‘x
at Heriit, which were relieved b| a saiyad nf l‘e-
•shir^, jyiaihln Bluvh, who accompauied him to (al-
cutta, and was munificently rewarded. Ah tin?
saiyad was considered, in Afghanistan, to havt' as
much profited by the necessities of I jiinitenunt
Conolly as to have assisted him, th{‘ t'xtraordi-
nary liberality shown to him was nnxttvr of sur-
prise ; nor did I fully understaml it, until 1 was
told by that oflicer himself, in 1840, that the saiya<l,
had the merit of having served a <'onne.vion tif
the then Mr. Secretary IMacnaghten. It is fair
to add, that the saiyad has not }troved himH<4f
unworthy or ungrateful for the bounties he re-
ceived ; however, he might have been less favour-
ably noticed had he been useful to any other in-
dividual.

As the Government had interested itself as re-
garded Saiyad Maihin, it was also bound to extend
its patronage to Saiyad Iveramat All, the com-
panion of Lieutenant Conolly ; and it was proposed
to him that he should I'epair to Kandahar, and
furnish, from time to time, reports on the pro-
ceedings of Abbas Mlrza. I believS the Goveim-
ment at that time attached Mttle consequence to
the movements of the crown prince of Persia, and
adopted merely the suggestion of the saiyad lijm-
self, who objected, however, to Kandahai-, and pre-
ferred Kabal, which was assented to, with ^ an in-
ns

• • •

4 SEVEEITf^^ OF THE WINTER. • ^

junction that he was not even to report what
passed there. After the saiyad was established
firmly in Kdbal, and had more or less intercourse
with parties there, he introduced certain, mister .
in his reports, for which he was rebuked by Captain
Wade, the political agent at Ludiana, to whom
they were addressed ; but, subsequently, that func-
tionary informed him that such subjects would be
agreeable, as well as any remarks he might make
on them ; and, thus encouraged, no doubt the
.saiyad did as he was wished to do. 1 can state,
on his own authority, that he recommended the
formation of a Presidency, the capital of which
he suggested should be Haidarabad in Sind.

The saiyad was more liberal in religious opinions
than was, perhaps, necessary or decent ; and, as the
month of Ramazdn came on, I had much of his
company, owing to his aversion to fasting, which,
to save appearances, it was not right to display
in the nawab’s house.

Throughout January and February the rigour
of the season was excessive. Without thermo-
meter, I could not verify the depression of tempe-
rature, but its effects demonstrated it must have
been very loW. Copper vessels bui’st during the
nights, and wine, a raS’e occurrence, was frozen.

In the last days of February a thaw took place,
an4 on* the 1st of March a swallow was observed,
and hailed as an omen of the approach of spring.
About ^the middle of Febi'uary wild ducks and

GENERAL THAW^

sparrows were exposed for %ale in the bazars, and
shortly afterwards p^ak, or spinach, was pro-
curable, with the tender shoots of the fish plant,
here ^nijjloyed a,s vegetables, and gathered fi’om
the sun-exposed skirts of the hills.

With the month of March an evident change
* in the weather was perceptible. Water no longer
froze, while showers of mingled snow and I’ain fell.
\ Towards Noh Roz a general thaw commenced, and
, although pure snow descended so late as 21st
^ March, it did not remain on the soil. It is es-
teemed fortunate by agriculturists when winter is
accompanied by large quantities of snow, which
is supposed both to promote the fecundity of the
earth and to protect the grain sown in autumn,
from which the spring crops are matured. Two
kinds of snow are, however, distinguished, the warm
and cold ; the first is beneficial, the last prejudicial.
Warm snow, in fact, implies pure snow, and cold
snow, frozen, or iced snow. To the inhabitants of
the city an excess in the flaky supply is not only
inconvenient but induces more serious evil. Now
that a thaw took place, in consequence of the mud
walls of the buildings having become completely
saturated with moisture, their foundfftions yielded
to the pressure of the weight above them, and
very many houses fell in. Each accident was an-
nounced by a tremendous crash. In my neighbour-
hood two or three dwellings were involved in ruin.

It was consolatory amid these casualties to know

I 1 .

6 tURAL FESTIVAL. ^ ^ •

that little or no perso'nal , injury was sustained by
the inhabitants ; a conservative power seemed to
watch over huinan life. Children, as usual in cases
of calamity, paraded the roofs of the tenevient^,
invoking the intercession with heaven of their
Prophet and saints.

On the 28th March the fields in the country
were so free from snow that the annual rural
festival, called Nazzar, or olFering to Baba Adam,
was celebrated. On this occasion the zamhidars,
or cultivators, yoke , their oxen to their ploughs,
and exercise the cattle, initiatory to the labours
of the year. The day is closed in festivity.

Dry frosts distinguished the beginning of A])ril,
and water once or twice was slightly ice<l ovt'r.

I was now able to extend my walks withotit the
gates, and watch the starting into life of the vari<ms
spring flowers which embellish the meadows and
the skirts of the hills. Of numerous species the
earlier w'ere bulbs. The first wdiich appears i.s
called Gul Noh Roz, the flow'er of thc^ new yi'ur.
It bears a minute yellow blossom, but is so abun-
dant as to clothe with a golden garl.) the lower
eminences, on which it delights. Water-fowl w(>re
now plentiful in the marshes about the city, wliii-h
were frequented by khe shikaris, or fowlers, 'flu'
sird&’s falconers would w^ado in the water, and
ocoasionally let fly their hawks. I oliserved an-
other mode employed to counteract the shyness
of the birds. Two men with jisals, .long heavy

f #>

VERNAL FLOWERS.

muskets, would creep Ijehind a bullock, directed
towards the fowlf, and when sufficiently near, fire
leisurely over the animal’s back at them. In this
nK)nth*mSny of the birds that retired at the ap-
proach of wintei’, again made their appearance ;
swallows, pigeons, wagtails, and the murg suli-
man ; the lark also renewed his carols. Flies,
gnats, and at length the butterfly, flitted in the
vernal sunshine. Gnats are not generally trouble-
some at Kabal, but about this time vast numbers
are g’enerated on the margins of the marshes and
swamps. In the evening, when myriads are on
the wing, it is prudent to avoid them. About
the middle of April chukri, or the green leaf-
stalks of the rhubarb-plant, were brought from the
hills of Paghmdn. In a week they were followed
by rawdsh, or the tended and blanched stalks. The
inhabitants rejoiced at the presence of one of their
luxuries. The coriander-plant, cultivated in the
gardens of the city, was now seen in the markets,
being made to serve as a vegetable. On the 10th
of the month, April, the river flowing through the
city was so swollen by melted snows, that appre-
hensions were raised that it would inundate its
banks. Much alarm prevailed, and “the residents
in the quarters most exposed to danger removed
their effects, many to the Balia Hissar. The houses
of my Armenian friends were crammed with ,the
chattels of their acquaintance. Public criers pro-
claimed throughout the bazars the sird^’s orders,

8 ^ EARTHQUAKES. « ,

r ^

that every person should bring four stones to con-
tribute to the construction and renewal of the
bands, or barriers. It was waggishly remarked,
that had Dost Mahomed Khdn ordered' sell sam^-
or three instead of four stones, compliance would
have been general. It is customary with Afghans
expelling their wives, to cast in succession three
stones on the ground, at the same time exclaim-
ing “ Yek tilMk,— do tillak,— sell tilkik or, once
divorce, twice divorce, thrice divorce. The same
observance is usual on the dissolution of fricndsbiji,
or connexion with any one. On the 17th April
a slight earthquake engaged momentary attention ;
on the 19th April a very smart one succeeded. I
had become somewhat accustomed to these phe-
nomena, yet not altogether reconciled to them. Ifc
is esteemed correct and deferential to the will of
heaven to sit tranquil during their occurrence. As
the rafters of my chamber quivered and rattled over
my head, I could not but fancy that it M'as saf(>r
to be outside. Commonly the shock is so transient
that It has passed as soon as felt. Willows ln<|
now become leafed, and many of the trevs l.egln
to display incipient foliage. The chief attra<>ti<m
of this monfe, however, was the shakufa, or bh.s-
sommg of the fruit-trees. The orchard.s were

to witness, and luxuriate in
the delightful visions they exhibited. The environs
of the city have, indeed, at this time a bea.itiful
appearance, but imagination can scarcely jiicture

the arghawan.' g

the enchanting prospects afforded by the pic-
turesque valleys of Paghman and Koh Daman.
In the^ flower-gardens, and at ziarats, the narkis,
or- narpisshs, and the zambak, of sweet-flag, ex-
panded into bloom; and on the hills the lala, or
wild tulip, charmed with its infinite variety. At
some few of the ziarats the splendid arghawan-
tree, arrayed in clusters of red flowers, produced
in the scenery of the hills almost a magic effect.
This tree, sparingly found at Kabal, as at Panjali
Sh^h Mirdan, Jeh^n Baz, Kheddar, and Baber
Badshah, abounds at the locality of Seh Yaran, or
the Three Friends, and betw^een it and Tope Dara,
in the neighbourhood of Ch4rik& in the Kohistan'
The spot is, moreover, commemorated by Baber,
who ordered the construction of a summer-house*
and planted some chanar, or plane-trees at it, pos-
sibly those which are now to be seen there. Com-
manding an extensive view, it was adapted to the
indulgence of his festive recreations, and enabled
him in season to enjoy the fairy-like prospect of
the flowering arghawans. These cover the rising
gi’ounds to the skirts of the hills, and owing to the
space over which they are spread, in blossom pro-
duce a truly gorgeous scene, which ^may be ex-
plained perhaps by the native- assertion, that the
plain is on fire. I am not certain what tree the
arghawin may be, nor of its native soil, for it. is
a stranger at Seh YMn, and thence was introduced
into the ziarats of Kabal. The stems and branches

(

" ID KHURBAN.

are covered with clusters of flowers, of a bright pink
hue, followed by seed-pods. The leaves someA\'hat
resemble those of the lilac-tree. Baber, or his
translator, mentions, I believe, two ai-g-hl(w;yis, th(‘
red and the yellow. The latter is a very difh'rent
plant, and called arghawan unjustly. It is <‘onmii()n
on all the plains of the countr}’, also on those' of
Balochisttn, and Persia. In the latter jvg-ion it
is named mahak. It is a shrubby plant, bearing
clusters of yellow pea-like flowers, with compound
alternate leaves. It is one of the very numerous
natural objects whose beauty is not prized ))ecuusc
it is not rare. The arghawan is a small tree.

At the close of April the celebration of tlie Id
Khurban, or great AMliomedan festival in comme-
moration of the triumph of the faith of Abraluim,
gave an opportunity for the display of much pomp'
and festivity. The day was ushered in witli s;ilntes
of artillery, and the sirdai-, in state, repaired to the
Id Gkh without the city, and repeated public
prayers. He took advantage of the occasion to
confer a handsome khelat, or dress of honotir, tnau,

the notorious Abdul Samad.

This man, it may be noted, arrived ifom Po-
sh W during March. A profligate adveninrer,
ongnia y of Tabrez,* he had flagrantlv si»itaiised
himself in every country he had visited, as'weil as
m M native land, which he was comjiellml to fly
He had been at Bagdad, in India, Sind, and the

had ingratiated himself in

. ' ' ABDUL SAMAD. I 11

the favour of Sultan Mahomed Khan, and had been
appointed to raise* a battalion of infantry. His
unprincipled actions and his audacity had made
him ma|iy §nemies, and fearing thd result of some
discussions which had originated, he decamped, and
contrived to reach Kabal. Dost Mahomed Khan
was not satisfied that his fear of Sultan Mahomed
Khfin was real, and suspected that he came with some
sinister purpose, in concert with that chief. After
receiving him in the most com-teous manner, he
ordered him and his property to be seized. The
sird& had, indeed, been told that Abdul Samad
possessed some fifty thousand ducats. The confis-
cation brought to light about six hundred rupees,
and the sirdar felt ashamed at his unprofitable
breach of hospitality. Abdul Samad had not been
idle. Although confined, he had, through the me-
dium of a female singer, and superannuated Kin-
chini, interested in his favour one of the sirdar’s
wives, the mother of Mahomed Akbar Khan. He
caused to be represented to her, how useful be
might prove in case of accident to the sirdar, in
securing the succession to her son, who could not
hope to sit in his father’s place without opposition
from his iincles, and even from his brothers. The
fond mother induced her soft to sixpport Abdul
Samad, who was not only released, but an ill-
formed battalion, under one Shah Mahomed Klt»n,
was transferred to him, with instructions to or-
ganize and perfect it. The adventurer soon became

I ■ 9 ' % i

Hl| POWER AT BOKHAR.L * I ,

as absolute at Kabal*as Jie bad been at Peslutwer,
and his ascendancy seemed to pr^ive Dost IMahoined
Khan in no wise superior to his brotlicr as to
sense or principle. If it were wished 'to ’believe
that the Kdbal chief was a good man, his connec-
tion with Abdul Samad belies the supposition, and
establishes the reverse. Cognizant of his many
enormities, he could only have retaiiu'd him as a
fit and ^ ready instrument of villany. a'herc must
have been no little congeniality of disposition in
. the bosom of the sirdar, to have caused him, on the
account of so profligate a character, to enduno-er his
own reputation, and set public o])inion at dcdiance
It would have been entirely needless to have no-
ticed such a man in these pages had he not subse-

I shall have occasion hereafter again to mention
m, and to allude to the circumstances which led

okhara, and, strange to say, became as jmwer-
01 evi there as he had been at Kabul or

Peshawer,--undoubtedly from ministering to the in-
dulgence of the impure habits which <llgrace t >
present ruler. From the accounts which have tran-
spired concerning th^ detention and treatment of

IT countryman. Colonel Stoddart, I fear lu' has
suffered muol,

nowtbsuadtog there are statemeirte, if . e't b
ter. freer the ^rforteeate officer hir^eCe te rte

I •

EARLY VEGETABLES!

'Vi

purport that Abdul Samad had befiaended' him.
To be befriended Isy such a man is in itself cala-
mitous.

The fno®tb of May commenced* with unsettled
and variable weather. Showers of rain, and more
than once of hail, occurred, accompanied by thunder.
Thoug-h constant repetition in the plain of Peshawer,
and sometimes extending’ over Jelalabad, thunder-
storms are rare at Kabal. The opening of spring
and the close of autumn may be marked by them.
May was also characterized by violent winds from
the north and north-west, dreaded by the proprie-
tors of orchards. Rose-trees during this month
unfold their blossoms, and many other flowers in-
crease the interest of walks amid the gardens.
Baber Bddshah becomes now delightful ; but it is
not until June that the floral beauties of Kabal
are well developed, or that its groves are fully in-
vested with foliage. In the middle of May lettuces
make a grateful addition to the vegetable stores of
the bazar, and unripe plums and apricots, here eaten
by all classes, nor deemed unwholesome, pour into
the markets. Cresses, radishes, and cucumbers are
also abundant.

The leisure which my sojourn at Kabal during
this period afforded, gave me an opportunity of be-
coming better acquainted with the opinions held
of Dost Mahomed Khan, as w’ell as of acqiiiring
a knowledge of his career in life, which before I
possessed but imperfectly. As he has since pro-

DOST MAHOMED’S CELEBRITY.

minently engaged much public attention, even out

of his own country, a brief stetch of his history
may not be considered by many out of j»Ia(‘c, espe-
cially as erroneous estimates of his clraraPter <are
perhaps generally entertained, and circumstances
have given to him a celebrity to which neither his
virtues nor ability entitled him ; ho^vc'v('r, as an
Afghan ruler he may have been res])ecta)>le, tuul
even better than most of his contem])ora.ries.

When I first saw him at Ghazni, in ISi/", he
was tall and spare, his countenance ovidentiv indi-
cating that he had his cares. He was distinguished
by his plain white linen attire, in remarkable con-
trast to the dashing gold-embroidered cloaks and
vestments of his surrounding chiefs. Amongst the
lower classes of his subjects he was d{'ci<ledly })o-
pular; and at that time I had no opportunity of
ascertaining the sentiments of people in higher
life. On our road from Kandahar, as wo met
people and inquired the news of K<il)al, wo had
but one reply, that it was “abad wa fernnan,”
flourishing and plentiful. There was but one opinion
expressed, that the prosperity Avas due to the “ in-
saf,” or justice of Dost Mahomed Khan. After
reaching K^al, strolling one day towards the mea-
dows of Chah^ Dehf I heard one man complain to
another, that some person had thrown hi.s chihl
from the roof, and thereby broken its arm. Ih'
was asked, if Dost Mahomed Khan was dead ? No
remark was more frequently repeated, in retort to

. • /

OPINIONS OF HIGHER CL|SSES.

complaints of injustice, than .that Dost Mfitioined
Khan was alive. TSiese instances prove the estima-
tion in which he was held by certain classes of his
peoj)le. . I soon discovered that hen\%s in no such
repute with his relatives and dependent chiefs, who
entertained a very different opinion of him and of
his virtues. They considered his pretended mode-
ration and love of justice as mere cloaks to liis
ambitious policy, and as semblances necessary to
keep his followers together, and to prevent them
from ^intriguing and combining with his brothers
cit Kaiidaliar and Posliawer.

f ' *

CHAPTER II.

Sirafrfz Khan.— Dost Mahomed Khan’s mother.— llor charms
and attractions — Dost Mahomed Khan’s neglected education—
Fati Khdn’s revenge of his father’s death — His successes and
elevation— Youth of Dost Mahomed Kluln— Mdimmcd Azem
Khan— The Vazlr’s jealousy and remark.— Dost Maliomed
Khan s perfdy — Seeks refuge in the royal camp. — Mahomed
Azem Khan pacified.— Dost Mfihomed Khan’s acquaintance
with Jai Singh— Laxity of Fat! Khan.— Jai Singh’.s Hi, -lit to
Peshawer— Fati Khfin’s policy.-Tajiks of the Kohistan.-Their

condition.— Dost Mahomed Khan appointed to the Kohistaii

His proceedings.— Khwoja Khanji inveigled and slain— Slauirh-
ter of Koh Daman chiefs — Treatment of robber chiefs —
Improved state of Koh Daman.-Fatf Khan’s advance upon
Taghow.— Fat! Khan’s caution.— Recovery of Kashmir— The
Vazirs mtemew with Ranjit Singh.-Atak sold to Ranjit
^ of Haidaro— Dost Mahomed Khfin’s gallantry,

-Fak Khans military talent.-His suspicious conduct—
Activity of his enemies.— Expedition projected— Fati Khan’s
return to labal.— His triumph over his enemies. -March to

Sr 7 S'

omed Khan.-Relieves his necessities.-Seizure of Firoz
m. — Dost Mahomed Khdn’s criminal conduct. — Fli.rht to

- His character.- His Wily
0 Fati Khan — Fati .Kha.n’s supposed views. — Popuiar con-
jectures— Shahzdda Kdmrdn prompted to action.— His sisier's

apprehension and remark State

0 Afghanistan— Fati Khfln’s seizure the signal for the’ dis-
solution of the monarchy.-Pfir Dil Khan made prisoner^

4 .

T'""l

imi-'

A ^

SIRAFRAZ KHAN4

Shahzada Kamran.— Made mir of the Barak Zai tribe.' — Escapes
to Andffi. — Hiji J^han declines the Shdhzada’s offers. — J oins
Fur Dil Khin.- — Sons of Sirafrdz Khan. — List and disposition
of them.

Do^ Mahomed Khan is one of the younger
sons of Sirafraz Khan, the Barak Zai sirdar,
slain by order of Shah Zem4n at Kandah&, in
1799. Like all good Durani chiefs, Sirafraz Khan
had many wives, of all classes and descriptions,
and by them a numerous progeny. The mother
of Dost Mahomed Khan was of a .Jiianshir
family, and it may be presumed handsome and •
engaging, as she was latterly the most favoured
lady of the haram, and the only one who, in
her tour of conjugal duty, when her lord was on
marches, had the power to retain him in her
company until the morning, on which account
the troops blessed her, and would have been
pleased if it had always been her tour, for they
enjoyed their rest, which was sadly disturbed in the
case of his other wives, for, seemingly to get away
from them, the old sird& would march at midnight.

At the time Sirafr^ Khan was slain he had
twenty-two sons living. Dost Mahomed Khan,
and his only full, and younger brother, Amir Ma-
homed Khan, were then m^e children. To the
loss of his father at so early an age may be partly
ov/ing that the future chief of Kabal was allowed
to grow up untutored and illiterate. Fati *Kfian,
the elder son of Sirafi’az Khan, who, if some

VOL. III.

DOST M\IIOMED KHAN’s YOUTH.

accounts be correct, w|is more guilty tliaii his sire,
fled to Andali, the family' castle ^ on the Ilelmaud,
and the next year, in concert with Shalizada ]klah-
mud, took Kandahar, and the year following the
dispersal of the royal army at Nani made him
master of Kabal, and subsequently of the ]t('rson
of Shah Zemdn, whose loss of sight atom'd for
a similar injury previously inflicted l)y him upon
Shahzada Humaiiin.

The fortunate Mdhmud l)eeame investe<l with
regal power, and tlie adventurous Fati Khan with
the dignity of Vazir. This order of things wiis
not, however, so firmly established hut that it was
overthrown by a new revolution, which phua'd on
the throne Siljdh al Millkh, a full brotluu- of Shah
Zeman. The blinded prince was release<l fro}n
captivity, and Shah Mahmud took his place. In
course of time the latter found means to escape ;
and Fati Khfin, ever ready for bold emprise, by
another desperate effort, effected the (‘xpulsion
of Shah Sujah al Mulkh. I have no nmrt^ than
alluded to these events, because up to this time
Dost Mahomed Khan was not yet heard of, indeed
was too young to take share in them, or otherwise
to attract attention. On the second assumption
of power by Shah Mahmud he was advancing in
youth, and was always about the ponson of"" his
brother the Vazlr, rather as a dependant than a
relative, performing even menial offices, such as
serving him with wine, and preparing his chillam.

#•

• , f

MURDER OF MIRZA aI.1. 11>

The course of events led tbe court to Peslunver ;

•

when Dost Mahoihed Khan first brought himself
into notice by an atrocious deed, which well marked
hig reckless and daring dispositioif. Amongst the
many brothers of the vazir, Mahomed Azem .Ivhaii,
of nearly the same age, was distinguished by his
dignified deportment and propriety of conduct.

He was also veiy attentive in the administration
of his affairs. The vazir, so indifferent to his
personal matters that frequently no dinner was
prepared for him, and his horses were standinsr

O ^

without barley, was piqued at the better manage-
ment of his brother, and felt annoyed wlien he
heard him lauded. He imputed the prosperous
condition of his establishments to the ability of
the sahibkax’, or steward, Mirza Ali Khhn, who, he
used to observe, had made a “ shaks,” or man, of his
brother. One day, exhilarated by wine, he ex-
claimed, “ W ould to God that some one would kill
Mirza Ali, and deliver me from dread of IMahomed
Azem Khan.” Dost Mahomed Khan, present, asked
if he should kill the mirza; the vazir replied
“ Yes, if you can.” Next morning. Dost Mahomed
Khan placed himself on the road of the mirza,
in the bazar of Peshawer, and as he proceeded to
pay his respects to his employdl-, accosted him with
“How are you, Mirza?” placed one hand upon
his waist-shawl, and with the other thrust a dagger
into his bosom. He immediately galloped off, not
to the quarters of the vazir, but to the tent of

c 2'

I c

THI. VAZIR’S ARGUaiENTS.

Ibr^im Khan, Jemshidi,, a sirdar of note, and in
favour with Shah Mahmud. Here he was within
the circle of the royal tents, and it would luive
been indecorous ’to have removed liim : j.V rhjips his
reason for seeking refug-e there. Maliomed Azmn
Khan was naturally incensed upon ht'aring ol' the
catastrophe, and vowing that nothing' but Dost
Mahomed Khdn’s blood could atone for that of
his ill-fated mlrzia, in violent anger sought the
vazir. That profligate man expressed his contrition
that an accidental remark made by him, in his cups,
should have caused the perpetration of so foul a
crime, but pointed out, that the nu'rza could not
be recalled to life; that Dost IMtihonied was still a
biother; that if it were determined to punish him
he could not be taken from his asylum ; that the
impure habits of Shah Mahmud and his son Kam-
ran were known to all, and if Dost Mahomed, a
beardless youth, was left in their ])ower, fresh causes
of ridicule and reproach, were likely to aris<.> to the
family, what had been done, could not be undone:
it was prudent, therefore, to foi-giit the i>ust, and
avert the evil consequences of the futurr*. By
^ch representations and arguments, Mahonu-d
Azem KhAn suffered himself to b<' p('rsuad(>d, the
mu'za was forgottefl, and Dost iMahome.l Khdn
was brought from the protection of Ibrahim Ivhan,
Whidi. The youth had deveIope<l talent of
ig order, and his retinue was increased by
the Vazfr from three or four horsemen to twenty. *

mm--:

It. ?: *

o i *'

INTIMACY WITH JAI SaNGH.

About this time the ^acquaintance of Dost Ma-
homed KhSn wit?i the Sikhs commenced, and in
a manner which deserves notice, as throwing light
on th|^ cdurse of his early life. "ll can be easily
imagined, that the example of the dissolute Fati
Khan must have had a pernicious effect on the
morals and habits of those immediately about him,
and Dost Mahomed Khan may claim commiseration
when it is considered that he was elevated to man-
hood amid the disgraceful orgies of his brother.
Great suspicion attaches to the character of Fati
Khan personally, and it is believed that in his
youth he had made himself subservient to the vilest
passions of many. It was also remarked, that until
he felt himself securely fixed in power, he did
not object to an acquaintance between the depraved
Shah Mahmud and his younger brothers, and to
such an acquaintance a degree of opprobrium was
attached by the world, even if unjustly. Jai Singh,
brother of Naial Singh, Attari Wala, was deputed
by Ranjit Singh on a mission to Peshawer, and there
became acquainted, the Sikhs say, enamoured of
Dost Mahomed Khan. An endless succession of
feasts and entertainments, of riotous debauches and
nautches, in the Bagh Ntira Kh^ka, testified to the
friendship between the old Sikh chieftain and the
youthful Durani. Jai Singh on his return to La-

hore was suspected of having formed too close, an
intimacy with the vazir, and being otherwise dis-
trusted by Ranjit Singh, he thought it prudent to fly.

MI KIIAN’S POLICY.

and with forty horsemsn CSikhs) he arrived, for the
second time, at Peshttwer. He and Ids followers
now swelled the retinue of Dost Mahomed Ivlian.

The vazir, on his first accession t(> and

power, had to contend with tiu‘ o.,vat lun’editary
sirdars of the Dilrani clans, who naturallv opixtsed
his advancement. Many of these \v(nv men of
energy and ability, but these ((ualifies wer<« com-
bined with that remarkable sim[dicity which .au-
vades the Diirini character. The' vazir, hv vio-
lence or by fraud, was enabled to ivmove 'many
of them. His ejectment n-as caused hv a con'-
federacy of the Sum leaders of Kdbal; and on his
re-accession to power he judge*! it e.xp<.,lient for
Its maintenance, to destroy them, f'p to the close
of the rei> of Sh4h Zemdn, it does not appear
that the Tajiks of the Kohistan i^xcited much no-
tice, probably remitting an easy tributi>, and en-
gaged in their internal disputes. From every ac-
count, it would appear that from thm'r feuds am!
violence of character their country was in an
awful state of distraction. But tlu>v limi heconu'
inured to warfare, had become sui.plie<l with fi.v-
ai-ms and had learned the use of them, and umler

ledirection-of able chieftains, formed in t!u> tur-
bulent times in which they lived, had I.ecom.. un-
doubtedly formidable. In sniritmil ■ -i

urns, they paid i„piieit obcUuiico to their l„,Iv

me„ahed«enda„taofrovorc.,.fa.„ilie.,vh„ hud

for centonos been eslabUshed iu the eountry. The

«i

0 '4

DOST MAHOMED KHAN IN' POWER-

celebrated Mir Wais availed* himself of their pow-
erful aid, and their tumultuous but gallant bands
rolled ^ from their hills and vallej^ as a deluge
upon the city. Fati Khdn was compelled to yield,
for the time, to the storm. Again in power, it
behoved him, he thought, to guard against its re-
currence. It was in conformity to his general plans
of assuring the stability of his ascendency, that he
placed the governments of the country in the hands
and trust of his brothers. The peculiar taleirt
and promise evinced by Dost Mahomed Khdn emi- ,
nently fitted him for the arduous task of arranging
the factions of the Kohistdn ; and he was appointed
hakam, or governor. He was accompanied by his
old friend Jai Singh when he marched to assume
his charge. It would be too tedious to recount
the various events which happened in the Kohistan
of KAbal, consequent on Dost Mahomed Khfin’s
appointment. It will be sufficient to allude to &
few of them, and to note the general results.

Dost Mahoihed Khan exercised all his ability ;
gaining his ends by stratagem or by foi-ce, but
never employing the latter when the former was
sufficient. Some of the obnoxious chiefs he in-
veigled by Korans and false oaths ; ’others, by in-
termarriages,— a means not unfrequently resorted
to by Duranis, to get their enemies into their
power, when other wiles have failed. In tliis» nrode
he obtained a wife from Perwan, and dislocated
the union of its chiefs, slaying some, and despoiling

r ■

r *»'.

r * /

24 KHWOJA KHANJI INVEKJiLED.

the others. The sturdy deaders, of the Kohistan,
were successively circumvented and disposed of.
One of the most potent and cautious, Khwoja
Khanji, of Ivarrezai, was nearly tlu' only o»^.e who
remained, and he had rejected every overture, and
i-efused to attend upon any consideration tlu' c:imp
of the sirddr. It was felt by Dost IMahomed
Khan that nothing was done while Khwoja Khanji
remained in being, and he redoubled liis extaiions
to ensnare him. He sent Koran after Koran ; en-
gaged to many his daughter ; but couhl not (-nt ice
the old chieftain from his castle. I’he Kliwoj'a,
like every man in the Kohistan, had emnnit's. I’lie
chief most inimical to him, was in attendance ujion
Dost Mahomed Khan. This Sirdar, as a last nu'ans
of winning the confidence of tlie Khwoja, put his
enemy to death, claiming the mmit of having
proved the sincerity of his desire to become friendly
with him at the risk of incurring disgract* in the
eyes of the world. The murder took j)laco at
Baiyan, and Dost IMahomed Khan invited the
Khwoja to meet him, an<l cement their frimxlly
understanding, at the castle of his former foe. ’;rh<^
Khwoja was now overcome, and to fidfil his des-
tiny, repaired to Baiyan. He came, howevt*r, with
a most numerous retinue. Dost JMahoimsI Khan
received him with all politeness and humility ; a
tho'usand protestations of friendsliip and service;
flowed from his lips; he addressed the old man as
his f^her, and, it may be, lulle<l bis sus[>icions.

KHWOJA KHANJI SLAIN. 25

At night Dost Mahomed .IChin took the hand of
the Khwoja, and le*d him within the castle, that
he might witness the preparation of an inventory
of the effects of the slain, observing, that it was
necessary, as the Khwoja knew what a particular
man the vazir was. As soon as the castle was
entered the gates were closed, and as the Khwoja
passed into an apartment, said to be the tosha khana,
Dost Mahomed KlAn gave the signal, in Turki, to
his Kazilbash attendants, who cut their victim
down. His head, severed from his body, was throAra
fi’om the battlements amongst his followers. In the
first transports of their indignation they commenced
an attack upon the castle, but disunited and discon-
certed, they retired before morning. Dost Mahom-
ed Kh^n was left at leisure to rejoice in his victory,
and the triumph of his dexterity.

The government of the sird& comprised the
Koh Daman as well as the Kohistan; and there
was ample room for the exercise there also of his
tact and severity. The slaughter of eight chiefs
on the same day at Chai'lkar, might serve to allay
the apprehensions of the vazir for the future,
while it promised to guarantee the tranquillity of
the country. Saiyad Ashrat Khan, of Huplan, was
deemed too powerful to be allowed to live; and
many others, although not equally dreaded, met a
similar fate. While these murders, which may be
called political ones, were in train of commission,
the vigilance of the sirdar was more honourably

26 SETTLEMENT OF KOI! .DAMAN

directed to the suppression of the ro],i)er chiefs
who, with organized hands, devastated the country
or infested the communications. These particular-
ly prevailed in the parts of the Koh Daman ne-n'
Kdbal. The robber chiefs and their gungs’Jem
natives of the villages, and resided <.penly in them
and exercised, with the knowhalgv of' all, their
furtive profession. Society was on (he point of
becoming disorganized comidettdy had not a reme<iy
been applied. To these di‘si)eradoes Dost Affi-
homed Khan adopted a more .indicious ami manly
hue of conduct. He tendertsl them forgiveness for
the past, if they resumed hoiu'st ami lawful occupa
tions; if they persisted in their habits of nipine
to be blown from the cannon’s month wtis flu*
nalty of their crime and contumacy. ,Hanv accent-
ed the indemnity offered, ami even engagc;i in the
sirdars service; others were s])e<.<lilv taken ami put
to death. In process of time the Koh Daman was
brought to a state of order and security; surprising
because it had never been known befmv t,> e.vis^
there These important transactions weiv not ef-
fected altogether without a display of force; par-
tial revolts had often made it nei-essary t<, Kum-
mo- troops from Kibal, but no very sJrious <-011-

Dost mT tull-brother of

Dost Mahomed_ Khan, Amir Mahomed Khan, who

had, been appointed hakam at the citv ii

marched to the assistance of his brother T ^
instance Shah Jn <,,,0

Mahmud, in person, with the vazir

FATI khan’s caution'. 27

Fati Khan, entered the Kohistdn ; having made a
demonstration in ftiat quarter, the army moved
towards Nijrow and Taghow. At the entrance of
the* two^'aHeys a few men in a tower, called Btirj
Sakhi, ventured to oppose its progress. A panic
seized the troops, who fled, abandoning their equi-
page. Want of provender and provisions was
alleged to justify the retreat, but possibly some
unexplained cause led to it.

It was a maxim with the vazir not to allow his
brothers to remain too long in governments, both
that they might not become too rich, and that they
should not forget their dependence on him. Fie
therefore sometimes recalled Dost M^iomed Khan
to his presence. Amir Mahomed Khan ofliciated
during his absence, whether occasioned by the pre-

caution of the vazir, or that the services of Dost
Mahomed Khln were required elsewhere.

The vazir was accustomed to exclaim “ Oh !
that God would deliver into my hands Kashmir
and HerE; the former that I might possess its
revenues, the latter, that my enemies might have
no place of refuge.” A financial operation, the
coinage of base rupees, enabled him to march
upon Kashmii-, which he recovered from Atta Ma-
homed Khan, Bami Zai, and *his brother-in-law-
In this expedition Dost Mdhomed Khan was pre-
sent. The vazir, before he entered the hqppy
valley, had an interview with Ranjit Singh on
the bank of the Jelam, the Sikh chief crossing

28 'battle at haidabo.

tlie river. Here Dost. Mahoiiu'd Kliau liad au
opportunity of evincing his iiistijictive propensity
of desiring to punish any one vhose folly induced
him to place himself in the ])0Avcr of hi^s rival or
enemy, by a significant wink to the vazir that
the Sikh was at his mercy. After the surrender
of Kashmhr, which the vazir eonfidt'd to his bro-
ther, Mahomed Azem Khan, .Tehandad Khan, the
brother of the displaced xVtta IMahonu'd Khan,
surrendered for a pecuniary eonsi<lerution the for-
tress of Atak, of importance from its site to Ranjit
Singh. The vazir was induced to atteniitt its re-
covery, and engaged a Sikh army, covering it at
Haidaro. In this action Dost Mahomed Khan, at
the head of a large body of horse, led the van,
broke the Sikh line, and carried tlieir guns. His
troops thought the victory decided, and dispersed
to plunder ; the Sikhs rallied, and the vazir, who
should have been ready to have sujiported the bat-
tle, had fled, having been told that Dost iritihomed
Khan was slain. This chief had no alternative
but to follow; gaining an increase of ri'putation,
however, by bringing off the vazir’s abandoned
guns. Fati Khan, while his personal bravery <'an
hardly be "impeached, was very unsuccessful as a
general ; indeed, he lost nearly every act ion in
which he fought, and triumphed gimm-ally ovei
hisMoes by dispersing them without combat. The
means by which he contrived to succeed lan'ng
inoperative against an external foe, tlu' chance

■ 'T,;-

■' SUSPICIONS OP THE VA^IR.

is, that his reputation would •have been impaired
had he been mu^ employed on foreign expe-
ditions.

There *are- still vei’y opposite sentiihents expressed
in Afghanistan as to the loyalty of Fati Khdn. If
carrying on war, and fighting battles contrary to
the express orders of his sovei’eign be acts of
rebellion, he was in rebellion when he attacked
the Sikhs at Haidaro. But here so much licence
is assumed, and so great a latitude is allowed, that
it might be unfair to argue from his neglect of
his prince’s instructions. His judgment may have
dictated that the course he adopted was the pru-
dent one in the then state of affairs, and he de-
pended on success to justify himself, or even to
claim merit from his easy sovereign. During the
operations, however, his enemies at coijrt had not
been idle. They had reiterated their suspicions
to the Shah that, master of Kashmir, Fati Khaii
intended to throw off his allegiance and to un-
mask his designs. An impression, moreover, per-
vaded the minds of the public that the vazir was
yaghi, or in rebellion. Whether he was or not
must remain matter of doubt ; if he was defeated,
it became convenient to disavow it; and from the
field of Haidaro he made hi^ way, almost as a
courier, to Kabal. An expedition against Persia
for the defence of Herat had been determinoil
upon in his absence, and Shah Mamiud was en-
camped vrithout the city at Aliabad. One morn-

V'-

30 MARCH TO HERAy.

ing, unattended, clad in _a postin, and covered with
mud, rode galloping into camp^Fati Khan. In his
uncouth attire he presented himself before the
Shah, saluting 'him Avith a sonorous S-.ilain alikam.
The good-natured prince receivcnl him kindly, and
the vazir asked what plans were in agitation. On
being informed, he said, “ Who so iit to eont('ud
with Kajar (Persia) as Fati?” Thus reinstat'd in
his monarch’s good opinion, he hlaeki'iied the faces
of his enemies, as the Afghans ex])n'ss it, that is,
he covered them with confusion.

The vazir marched with a formidable army to
Herat, and Dost Mahomed Khan accomi)anied it.
At Kandahar they w'ere joiiu'd by the prince
Kamrdn, the governor. To him had repaired the
displaced governor of Kashmir ; and, known to
be jealous of the A’-azlr, his court had become
an asylum for all hostile to him. On this march
Dost Mahomed Khan became accpiainted Avith
Hajl Kh^ Khhka. A soldier of fortune, he had
originally served under Shehin Khan, in the t'ln-
ploy of Mastapha Khan, a brother of Mahmud
Khan, the chief of Kalat. Shehin Khan Avas a
Babl, and jemadar of some fifty men. Hajl Khan
soon became his confidant, and happening to be
at Dera Gh^l Khan, an incident bianight him
to the notice of Jabar Khan, half-brother of the
vazir, and then governor of the place. Subse-
quently the vazir arrived at Dera Ghazl Khan,
and on Hajl Khln being introduced to him, was

VIOLATION OF HARAM.

» *
so pleased with his manners and history that he

pressed him into hiS service. Haji Khan would

only consent on condition of his old friend, the

Babi. jenfedaj-, receiving the governlnent of Sivl

Haji Khan soon grew into great favour. He had

discernment to discover that Dost Mahomed Khan

was a rising charactei’, and very much attached

himself in consequence to him. The sirdar was,

as Haji Khan once remarked to me, always the

most needy of the sons of Sirafi’az Khan, and to
relieve his necessities w'as a likely means of secur-
ing his good-wdll. Hjiji Khan made himself use-
ful in this way, and at various times alleviated
his embarrassments; not with his own funds, for
he had none, but by procuring sums of money
fi’om others. Herat was held by the prince Haji
Firoz Din, a brother of Shah Mahmud. The po-
licy of Fati Khan required his seizure, and he per-
suaded Shah Mahmud to consent to it. This was
effected by stratagem, but the equivocal act had
its ruinous consequences. In the confusion Dost
Mahomed Khan, attended by his followers and those
of the Sikh Jai Singh, forced the palace of the
captive prince, penetrated into the hai-am, and de-
spoiled its inmates. Amongst other unpardonable
deeds, he tore away the jewelled band which se-
cured the perjamas of the wife of the pr'ince Ma-
lek Kasim, son of the prince Haji Fii'oz Din»
The outraged lady was a sister of the prince
Kamrdn, and sent her brother her profaned dress.

f- 1 ^

i .

32 FLIGHT OF DOST I^IAIIOMEI) IvIlAN..

The prince brother swore n'vcug-i'. In this miser-
able alfair some of Jai .Sitig-h’s followers were
w'ounded, and Dost Mahomed Khan, aware lie had
everything to fear from the vazir'r> r(>se‘Ht?iu'nt,
fled from Herat, in company witli a fcM- servants
and the Sikh. He eventnally reacln'd Kashmir,
where his brother, Mahomed Azmn Khan, jilaccd
him under easy restraint, agreeably to orders re-
ceived from Fati Khan. Tlu' Shaliz/ida Kumran,
the only son of Shah hlalunud, had early given
tokens of a spirit which could ill brook to be
controlled. Sternly exorcising jnttho]-ity, he was
conspicuous for unrelenting severity, which he
pushed even to brutality. Highly immoral and
licentious in his manners and habits, ami devoted
to all kinds of intemperance, he mna'r in the
midst of social or sensual gratifications nunitted
his inexorable harshness. Yet, withal, he pre-
served a degree of popidarity ami respect, derived,
perhaps, from his energy and determined <diaracter.

Fati Khan could not but know that to pr(.'S('rve
his position it was necessary to provid(‘ against
Prince Kamran, who was of no temper to submit
to his ascendency. The vazlr had as littU; <lis-
position to allow ShahzMa Kamran, or any other
person, to thwart him in his views, or to stand
between him and the preservation of his authority.

..The suspicions of Fati Khan’s aims, extending to
sovereignty, bad not diminished, and while the
governments of the country were held by his

INDIGNATION OF EAMl^AN. 33

brothers, it was manifest that but one step* more

• •

was needful to attain the dangerous pre-eminence.
Herat had fallen into his power, the removal of
tha indblent Shah Mahmud and *hts son would
have let\ him absolute. He had expended, in
largesses, during the march to Herat an immense
sum, and it was a common opinion that a crisis in
aifairs was at hand. If he could afford to permit
ShSh Mahmud to have retained the titular dis-
tinction and emblems of royalty, it was foreseen
that he must destroy Prince Kamran or be de-
stroyed by him. The one must rid himself of the
other, — none could divine whether t’o-day or to-
morrow, — or in this mode or in that, — ^but all felt
that the existence of the two was inconsistent with
the policy and feelings each was known to possess.
The remnants of the Dur^i nobility had congre-
gated around Prince Kamrin, and constantly ex-
cited him to rescue himself and father from the
thraldom imposed upon them by Fati Khan, and
to avenge the honour of the Dur^i name by the
sacrifice of so debauched and profligate an upstart.
The shameless and perfidious acts of Dost Maho-
med Khan roused in the prince’s bosom the direst
feelings of revenge and indignation nor W'ere
they softened when, in his consolatory visits to
his sister, she refused to unveil to him until he
had by signal vengeance resented the injury offered
to her.

The vazir returned to Herat after his unprofitable

VOL. III. n

AFFAIRS OF AFGHANISTAN.

campaign against tlip Persians, to reeruit iii.s army
for a fresh expedition. He had fought one of hi's
usual unsuccessful battles, and a slight wound, in
the face, as some say from a spent shot f.'om fhc
enemy, or, according to othens, from th<> n'msket of
one of his Kazilbash adherents, gave him a pretext
to abandon the field. Still be bad made a noise
in Khorashn, and his avowed intention of renew-
ing the war had determined Fati Ali Shah to take
the field in person. It is said, that it was urg('d
to the shall that Fatl Kbdn was but a contf'inptible
enemy ; that any one of Ins sirdtii-s wa.s sufrudent to
chastise him. The shah remarked, that it was true,
but that he was “faiz baksh,” (prodigal in gifts).
The^ old monarch justly appreciated the character
of his enemy, and knew where his tact lay.

The affairs of Afghanistan had become* very com-
plicated, and the utmost energy would have been
required to sustain it under the pressure of attacks
from the east and west. Whether the vazir would
have been competent to the task wm can hardly
now decide. Engaged in hostilities with the Per-
sians on the one side, and the Sikhs on the other,
his seizure, and deprivation of sight by l>rin(m Kam-
ran, closedrhis political career, and was the prelude
to the enactment, in rapid succession, of as many
strange events, and of as many enormoms crimes
apd^perfidies as can be found in the annals of any
country The shout of Vazir Fati Khdn, as the
nite of the executioner was thrust into his visual

‘1

*! _ • «

THE VAZIR’S BROTHERS. 35

organs, was that of the expiring Afghan monarchy.
The absolute powfir he coveted, he may be almost
said to have neglected to seize when within bis
grasp, but.ihe bequeathed to his brethren the ample
means of securing their independence, and at the
same time of avenging him. Few of the vazir’s
brothers were at Her£t when his seizure was effect-
ed, and one of them only. Fur Dll Khan, fell into
the power of Prince Kamran, the others escaping.
Confined for some time, on taking an oath of alle-
giance he was released and appointed mlr of the
Haxak Zai Afghans, a nominal, if not a ridiculous
distinction. Haji Khhn, Khaka, who had signalized
himself in the battle with the Persians, and had
been carried from the field grievously wounded, was
still lying in the care of the surgeons in the city.
Prince Kamran ordered him to be brought in a
litter to his presence, and much wished so gallant
a man to engage in his service. Hajl Khan pleaded
his obligations to the vazlr, and Prince Kamran,
who could respect valour and gratitude, was not
angered. Subsequently Ffir Dll Khan escaped to
Grlshk, where he set on foot, in conjunction with
his brothers, levies to oppose Prince Kamran. Hajl
Khan, recovered from his wounds, joined them.

In the occurrences which * followed from this
period we may consider the vazlr as politically
dead. His brothers now assumed a prominent p^t.
It has been already noted that Sirafraz Khdn, at
the time of his execution, had twenty-two sons

SONS OF SIRAFRAZ KHAN.

living." It may not bo improper to intrcxluce a list
of them. Serving for record aud rcdereiiee, it will
also tend to explain some of the causes of the ex-
traordinary contentions which nfterwa’fds " (existed
amongst themselves. It will he found how <airiously
they were separated into groups, aHecdiMl hy their
maternal descent. A history of the Barak Zai
family would illustrate the advantages and disad-
vantages of polygamy.

Sons of Sirafrds: Khan at the thm qf the
seizm'e^ with their dinposition.

rFatiKhan ...

f J M‘Ahomed Azeiii Khan
I^Taimur Kuh Khan ...

/ Attd Mahomed Khan
I Yar Mdhomed Khan
^ < Sultan Mahomed Khan*
I Saiyad Mahomed Khan*
y Pir Mahomed Khan* ...

/ Shir Dil Khan

i Fur Dil Khan

^ < Kohan Dil Khan*

* I Meher Dil Khan^'

V Raham Dil Kh&n* ...

i Samad Khan

Assad Khdn

Jahar Khdn*

the vazir,

governor of Kaslnnfr,

slain in action with tlie Sikhs,

slain in action at Pesluhvcr.

in government at IVshfnver.

at Peshawer.

at Peshawer,

at Peshawer.

at Heriit (escaped).

at Herat (made prisoner),

at Herfit ( escaped ).

at Herat (escaped),

at Herat (es<*aped),

governor of Kahal

governor of Dera Gluiz! Khan.

in Kkhmir. ■

t Mother, of the MahSmed Zai, principal branch of the B4rak
Zai clan ; descent pure,

^ Mother, Thokl Ghilji ; descent good,

§ Mother, Ddrim ; descent pure.

II Mothers, distinct, but Ddranl,

* Members of the list living in 18S9,

SOm OF SIRAFKAZ KHAN. 37

Amir Mahomed Khan
Dost Mahomed Khan'*^'
Turabaz Khan*

Islagi Khan

Jum%Khan*

Abdul Rahman Khan

...* at Kabal.

in Kashmir.

... in Kashmir.

... in the Term country.
... at Shikarpur.

... unknown.

i Mother^ J uanshir ; descent considered by Afghans as impaired.
i MotherSj distinct, of inferior tribes, and the sons little regarded
in consequence.

* Members of the list living in 1839.

CHAPTER HI.

Kamran's march to KabaL — .Dost ]\Iahumod Kiiau's release* “—Pro-
tests against Mdhomed Azem KlifuPs inactive views.— Volun-
teers to oppose Kamran. — Advances upon Kilbal. — Attd Ma-
homed Khan. — Made Miikhtahar Dowlah.— Shah Wali Khan.
—Shir Mahomed Khan. — Replaced by Wafudtlr Khan. — Feigns
paralysis. — Sudden cure. — Intrigues with the Sunl factions. —
Elevates Shah Sujah al Miilkh. — Recovers Kashnrir. — Supports
Prince Kaisar. — Slain at Peshawer. — Atta MahunuHl Khan in-
vites Shall Sujah al Mulkh. — Confines him. — Kainran's revenge.
— Atta Mahomed Khan’s communication with Dost I^Iuhomed
Khan — His treachery. — Is blinded. — Sudden fall.— Siege of
B^lla Hissar. — Escape of Prince Jehanghir. — Preparations at
Herfit. — Approach of Mahomed Azem Khan. — Dost Mdhonied
Khan’s discontent. — Proclaims Sultan All king. — Ilenit army
marches to Kandahar. — Thence to Chahar Asshih. — Precipitate
retreat. — Reasons for. — Kandahar lost to Shfdi Mahmud. — -Bid-
homed Azem Khan invites Shdh Sujah al Mulkh.^ — Contest with
Shah Sujah al Mulkh. — Ayiib Shah made king. — Arrangements.
— March upon Shikarpur. — Dost Mahomed Kluln again pro-
claims Sultan All — Return of Bldhomed Azem Khan. — Dis-
cussion. — Dost Mahomed Khan's proposal to Sultiin All.— Ma-
homed Azem Khan’s proposal to Shdh Ayui». — Sultan Ah
strangled.— Shdh Sujah al Miilkh’s army dispersed. — ingenuity
of theSindAmlrs, — Mdhomed Azem Klian’s presence of mind,—
Intrigues in his camp.— Evil intentions of Dost Mdliomed Kluui
and Shir Dll Khdn. — Mahomed Azem Khan’s retreat. — Expedi-
tion against the Sikhs, — Ranjit Singh’s measures. — His over-
4,ures to the chiefs of Peshawer. — Plight of Jai Singh, — Dost Bla-
homedKhan proffers his services to RanjitSingh. — Bfji homed Azem
Khan deceivedbyYar Mahomed Khan.— Dost Mahomed Khans
design on his treasure.— Mdhomed Azem Khan’s irresolution.—

RELEASE OF DOST MAHOMED KHAN.

Panic and dispersal of his arpay.— Ranjit Singh occupies Pe-
shdwer. — Divides Peshawer between Dost Mahomed Khan and
Yar Mdhomed Khan.— Death of Mahomed Azem Khan. — His
character.— Habib Ulah Khan — -Mahomed _Asem Khan’s dying
recommejidation and request. — Fur Dil Khan reaches Kfibal. —
His plans. — Ayub Shdli’s infatuation — Fur Dil Khan’s inter-
view with Ayub Shih. — Opposition of Shahzada Ismael. — Is
slain. — Deposition of Ayub Shdh. — Retires to Lahore. — Jabar
Khan. — His career. — Defeated in Kashmir. — Governor of the
Ghiljis. — His civility to Europeans. — Slighted by Habib Ulah
. Khan. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s attempts. — Habib Ulah KhS.n’s
folly. — Defection of his chiefs. — Investment of Bdlla Hissar.

As soon as practicable, Shah Mahmud being- left
at Herat, Prince Kamran moved on Kandahar, held
by his deputy, and thence upon Kabal, which was
evacuated by the NaWc\b Samad Kh^. Prince
Jehanghir, the youthful son of Prince KamrAn, with
Atta Mahomed Khan, son of the Mukhtahm- Dow-
lah, as his principal adviser, was left in charge of the
government. Prince Kamr^ for the moment re-
traced his steps.

As soon as the tidings of the vazir’s misfortune
reached Kashmir, Dost MOionied Khan was re-
leased from the restraint in which he had been
placed, and a consultation was naturally held upon
the state of affairs. Mahomed Azem Khdn, aware
of the capture of Kabal, was inclined'" to consider
the provinces west of the Incfus as lost and irre-
coverable. He opined that it was prudent to
remain quiet in Kashmir, from which he conceited
neither the force of Kamran nor of the Sikhs could
dislodge him. Dost Mahomed Khan protested

MARCH UPON KABAL.

against so timid and disgraceful a line of policy,
urging the duty of revenging the outrage connuittcd
upon the vaz«*, and the shame of abamlouiiig with-
out a contest the land of their fatliers. Kashmir,
he said, was but a rajit’s country, a Hindu country;
if lost, at any time to bo resumed by the strongest.
In conclusion, he volunteered to conduct an expedi-
tion against Kiiniran, and to attempt the rei'overy
of Kdhal. Mcthomed Azem Khan gave Dost IMii-
homed Khan specie to the amount of two lakhs of
rupees, and bills for twice the amount, and allowed
him to depart, with a few troops. It would appi'ur,
from the scanty resources placed at Dost Mahomed
Khan’s command, that the Kashmir govtmior had
little notion that he could be successful. He spared
a trifle from his well-replenished coffers, and ex-
cused himself froi^ the reproach which the world
might affix to his reputation if ho sat nlti^gether
supine. Dost Mdhomed Khtin marched to Pe-
shawer, where he augmented his troops, ami thence
to J elalabad ; here his funds were exhausted, and it
was debated whether it was practicable to proceed
farther. The case was desperate, as was the expe-
dition itself; but a forward movement was decided
upon, and the chief with his army neared Kdhnl.

It has been seen that Atta Miihomefl Khan,
Bami Zai, had been placed by Prince Kdinrun to
direct his son. Prince Jehiinghir; he was now to be-
come the antagonist of Dost IMahomed Khan. To
be able, in any way, to comprehend the intrigues

#. , .

ATr4- MAHOMED KHAN. 41

about to be develojped, it. will be necessary to ex-
plain tbe relations in which he stood with the seve-
ral parties engaged in them. Displaced from his
governmgnl of Kashmir by Fati Khan, whose sister
was one of his wives, he had repaired to the court
of Prince Kamran, who, although he had ample rea-
sons to be dissatisfied with him on other grounds,
forgot them now that he might be held inimical to
the vazir. With another, Atta Mahomed Khan,
Alekho Zai, he continually incited Prince Kamran
to remove the obnoxious Fati Khan. Invested
with the dignity of Mukhtahar Dowlah, the direc-
tion of affairs at K4bal was confided to him. Prince
Kamrdn estimating, and perhaps justly, that he
could not reconcile his differences with the Barak
Zais, but forgetful that he might have ambitious
views and projects of his own. .To elucidate these,
and the singular part he was about to act, a slight
reference to the history of his family is necessary.
His grandfather, Sh^h Wall Khan, was the principal
minister, or mukhtahar, to Ahmed Shah, and agree-
ably to the constitution of the Afghan monarchy, or
to the compact between the Dfirani elans under
which it was formed, the office was hereditary. On
the death of Ahmed Shah the mukhtahar set up
Prince Sulmian, the eldest son, was defeated by
Prince Taimur and slain. The first-born of the
Mukhtahar, Shir Mahomed Khan, was recalled -fronj
exile by Taimur Shah, and installed in his father’s
dignity. He became known and celebrated as the

SHIE MAHOMED KHS.N.

Mukhtah^ Dowlah.' During ^the reign of Shah
Zenaan he was replaced in office by Wufadar Khan,
famous in Afghanist^ as the Sadn Z:n X^'anir.
This appointment, an infringement u})on the setlhMl
order of things, was unfortunate to the monarch
who made it, and led to all tlu^ evils and misfor-
tunes which afterwards ha})])ened to himsidf, and
finally to the Sadu Zai su])remacy.

Shir Mahomed Khan, deprived of offi(*e, h'igned
paralysis, and throughout the reign of Shfih Zemau
was carried in a litter, or hobbled on erutehes. On
the expulsion of the shfih, and the slaughter of his
rival, the Sadu Zai Vazir, he became suddenly mired
of his afflictions, threw away his crutches, and again
figured in public life as the mfikhtahar. Ho now
particularly courted the Suni interests in Kfibal,
paid great attention to Mir Wais, and profiting by
the absence of the vazir at Kandahar, in conjunc-
tion with his Sum friends, and Ahmed Khan, Ndr
Zai, excited a religious tumult, which eh'vate<l to
the throne Prince Sujah al Miilkh, then a fugitive
in the Khaibar hills. The new shah was clearly
indebted to the exertions of the H6ni h'mlers of
Kfibal for his dignity. The Mukhtahar afterwards
recovered Kashmir from Abdulah Khan, Ahddio
Zai, and left his own son, Atta IMiihomod Khan,
in government of the productive province. The
shah''contrived to estrange the feelings of the. friends
to whom he owed so much, and they conceived that
as they had raised him to power, so they were

f I ■

INTRIGUES.

entitled to displace him. .Accordingly, when the
jking had marched towards Sind, the mukhtah^,
wi^ his former confederates, released Prince Kaisar
fronf the ststte prison of the BOla Hissar, and pro-
claimed him king. With their new sovereign they
marched to Peshawer, where Shah Sujah al Mulkh
in all haste arrived, and an action was fought on
the Dasht Pakkah, without the city. The shah
would have fled, but was prevented by the crowds
behind him ; and the rebel leaders pressing forward,
unsupported, anxious to secure his person, were
slain. The mukhtahai', his brother, Mir Ahmed
Khan, with Khwoja Mahomed Khan, Nur Zai, a
staunch adherent of Prince Kaisar, simultaneously
met a common fate. The prince himself, so lately
victorious by the strange accidents of war, as a cap-
tive adorned the triumph, scarcely merited, of Shah
Sujah al Mulkh. It is just to add, that clemency
was shown. Atta Mahomed Khan continued in the
government of Kashmir ; nor was ShMi Sujah al
Mulkh able to remove him. When the shah be-
came a fugitive Atta Mdhomed Khan invited him
to Kashmir, if for no other purpose, to make a
tool of him. The shah, not perfectly compliant,
was lodged in the castle of Koh Maian, from which
he was i*eleased by the vazir, whbn he recovered the
valley from Atta Mahomed Kham. On account of
the insults offered to the shah. Prince Kmnran. ah
though politically hostile to his relative, conceived
it due to avenge the injury committed through him

44 ATTA MAHOMED KHAN’S MlNtKUVRKS. '

on the dignity of the S^dii Ziii family, by submit-
ting’ the females of the 13fniu Zais at Ih'i-at to.
the embraces of mule-drivers. bVom flu' above
narration, it will be apparent that 'u ^sympathy
existed between the family of Atta Mahomed
Khan and the Suni party at Kabul ; and tlua-e
can be but little doubt that he now inteiuhal, by
its assistance, to have made himself iiuh'peiuhmt.
A man of considerable ability, he ha<l a. fair tiold
before him ; but underrating his oppotumts, instead
of circumventing them, he was circnmventtal by
them. Dost Mahomed Khan luni reaelual Kburd
Kabal, two ordinary inarches from the city, and
was hesitating whether to advance, when a commu-
nication was pi'ivately conveyed to him from Atta
Mahomed Khan. Dost hhihomcd Khan, deceived,
or trusting to his dexterity to outwit his antagonist,
moved forwards, but circuitously, and c*autiously,
feeling his way to the eminences of Biman'i, to the
north. Atta Mahomed Khan loft the Balia llissar
with all the pomp and circumstaiu'e of war, and
marched, as he gave out, to annihilatt' the rebels.
He advanced on Biman'i, Dost Mnliom<‘d Khan’s
troops slowly receding as he approached them. On
the heights he harangued his men, ami dimounced
the wrath of heaveh and the pains of ludl on any
one who should betray Shah Mahmud, ShdhzMa

Kamr^i, of Sh'Ahzada Jeha.nghir. W'ith tin
breath, in a style peculiarly Afghan, lu>
round, and in whispers, inquired for a Koran.

♦

ATTA MAHOMED KHAN’S FATE. 45

sacred book was produced,^ Atta Mahomed Khan
sealed it, and with renewed oaths despatched it to
Dost Mahomed Khan. A succession of marches
and 'boun1;eri1iarches, of slight skirmishes, and other
feints, for a few days, was necessary, that a becoming
quantity of oaths should be exchanged on both
sides ; and that the confidential agents of the parties
should arrange preliminaries. They ill-concealed
the understanding, however enigmatical, between
Atta Mahomed Khan and the Barak Zai chiefs.
One fact was glaring, that the interests of Kararan
were betrayed, and the safety of his son compro-
mised. At length interviews were exchanged be-
tween the Mukhtahar and rebel chiefs, and at one
of these, which took place at the Burj Vazir, a
pleasure-house built by Fati Khan, the former was
thrown on the ground, and blinded by Pir Mahomed
Khan, the younger of the vazir’s brothers. Of the
brothers with Dost Mahomed Khan all had exchang-
ed oaths with the Mukhtahar, except Pir Mahomed
Khan, who, from his youth, had not been required
to do so. Many versions are given of this affair.
The friends of the Barak Zai chiefs pretend that
the Mukhtahar intended to have blown them up.
Others wholly deny this statement, and -regard the
occurrence as naturally arising in*a contest for power
between desperate and reckless men. The depri-
vation of sight was in retaliation of the injury in«
flicted on the vazir, owing somewhat, it is said, to
Atta Mahomed Khan’s instigation. His schemes

ESCAPE OF JEHANWIIR.

of ambition were in a moment given to the wind,
and he withdrew to obscurity and retirement. He
now resides at Aliabad near Kabal, umu)ti('ed and
little pitied. It is remembered, that when g(»ver-
nor of Kashmir, the plucking out of eyes was one
of his ordinary punishments. Ills calamity atlordcd
the son of Prince Kamran and his adherents the
opportunity of admiring that the traitor had been
entrapped in his own snares.

Dost Mahomed Khan relieved from ;i formidable
foe, or an embarrassing friend, wjis now enabled
to besiege the Balia Hissar. Pernicious, or treache-
rous counsel prevailed upon PriiU'c Jehanghir to
evacuate the lower citadel, and to shut him.self up
in the upper one. The empty fortre.s.s was imme-
diately occupied by the enemy. Batteries were
erected on the plain to the east, and a mine was
conducted from the houses at the foot of the u])per
citadel, under the bastion of the principal (mtrauce
to it. Intelligence thereof was conveyed to the
garrison, who were on the alert. It wa.s sprang,
but did not fully prove successful. The .situation
of the prince became exceedingly critical. In the
bloom of youth, and remarkably handsome, the vow.s
of the fair sex of Kabal were offere<l up for his
safety. They may* have interested heaven in his
behalf. A night, when all was darkness, and rain
felh in torrents, enabled him, with his followei’s, to
leave the upper citadel by the Derwaza Kiislu, im-
perceived. Filing under its walls, he gained the

t • ^ #

■■U

• ^ . V «

, DOST MAEDOMED KHAN’S DISCONTENT. 47

Kotal Kheddar ; and crossing jt, took the road to
Ghazni Dost Mahomed Kh^ did not pursue..

By an astonishing run of good fortune, Dost Ma-
hojned -Hh^ had become master of K§,bal, but it
does not Appear that he was able to profit by the
advantage so far as to march upon Ghazni He
soon discovered that a more serious struggle was
before him, as Shfih Mahmud and the Prince Kam-
ran had marched, or were about to march from
Herat. The hope to contend with their large army
might have been preposterous had not so much
unlooked-for success already justified him to hope
for anything, and accordingly he prepared to i-esist
the storm impending.

When intelligence of the possession of Kabal
reached Kashmir, Mahomed Azem Khan put his
troops in motion, but probably made no farther
remittances to Dost Mahomed Khan. As elder
brother, and representative of the family, he could
not allow, as he conceited, the takht, or capital,
to remain in the hands of Dost Mahomed Khfin,
who might affect to consider him in Kashmir as
a vassal governor. It is not unlikely that this
sirdM would have been better pleased that the
city had not been wrested from Kamran, as he
perhaps never expected that his brother would
have been able to win it. Dost Mahomed Khan,
on his part, was too shrewd not to be able ta
penetrate the secret feelings of his elder brother’s
bosom, and to be conscious how jealously he was

ELEVATION OF SULTAJJ ALI.

regarded by most of the members of bis family.
It also mortified him that his cx(‘rtions and tri-
umphs should only contribute to the aggrandise-
ment of othere.'* He felt that injustice whs oUered to
him, while all his own ambitious ideas were tliwarted.
These he could not consent to fon'go ; and to (*ho-
rish them in spite of eireumstanei's frecpieufly led
to perplexity and enthralment. Mate, jierhaps. at
his successes, he soon began to evince a sIiom' of
independence of action, and its first display was
in the proclamation of Shahzfida Si'iltan Ali as
king; he naturally fell into the dignity of vazir.
This was strange news for Mahomed Azeiu Khan
and the rest of the family. This ])rinco had offi-
ciated as governor of Kabal umh'r Hhfih Mahmud
with considerable credit, and was one of the riadii
Zai princes, most respected for good .sense and
conduct. It is probable, that had he ascended
the throne under favourable circumstances he
would have made a reputable sovereign. A.s it
was, his funds and contributions from om? or the
other sufficed to place about two thousand cavalry
at the command of Dost Mahomed Khan to meet
the overwhelming force from Ilerdt.

The flight of Fvlr Dil Khdn to Andali, and his pre-
parations to avenge the outrage offered to his bro-
ther, Fati Khdn, have been elsewhere noted. Dy
# strange fatality, the royal army avoided Andali
en route to Kfindahar, thereby leaving the five
brothers with their levies in the rear. These,

PREOIPITATE RETREAT. 49

as soon as the army had proceeded towards Kdbal,
appeared before Kdndahar, and summoned Gul Ma-
homed Khan, the governor, to surrender it. He
consented ts do so, in case his sovereign should be
defeated at Kabal, and entreated the confedei’ated
brothers to retire until the issue of the contest
should be known. They complied. Shah Mah-
mud and his son advanced to Chahar Assiah, six
or seven miles from K^bal ; when, abandoning
their equipage, they suddenly decamped, and, by
the road of the Hazarajat, precipitately gained
Herat. The counsels of Salu Khan, otherwise
known as Shdh Pessand Khdn, are believed to
have occasioned this flight. It may be so ; but,
when it is asserted there w^as no ostensible cause
for it, facts prove that there was too much. Shah
Mahmdd and Kamr4n had, of course, become ac-
quainted with the dubious loyalty of the Kdn-
dahar governor ; and the retreat of the five bro-
thers would be, in their estimation, a more portent-
ous event, as it might be supposed they would
menace Herat. That this fear prevailed is shown
by the haste made to reach it ; otherwise, the
enterprise upon Kabal would have been worked
out, or, if a . retreat had been judged -necessary,
it would naturally have been* upon Kdndahar,
where the traitor and the rebels might have been
at once crushed. ^ ,

While the royal army was at Chahar Assiah,
Dost Mahomed Khin, and his followers in the

VOL, III.

FATE OF GUL MAHOMPA) KIIAX.

neighbourhood, were standiiigi with their horses’
bridles in their hands, and the advance of the
force would have been the signal for their dis-
persion and" flight. Of this Shah Malmnuh and
his son were not, perha]is, aware, ami therefore
listened to the evil suggestions of Sfdu Khan,
that the Duranis of the army had <ronei'rte<l to
betray them, and to follow the example of (Jul
Mahomed Khki at KAndahar. Dost IVIalioined
Khan did not credit the retreat of his enemies
until Nazir DilAwer, a fugitive, and the only one
from the abandoned camp, came and confirmed
it. He then marched forward, and took j)o.s-
session of the empty tents. When the royal
army reached Ghazni, Prince Kamran, finding it
entire, and that a defection of the Dnranis had
not taken place, was willing to have returned upon
Kabal, but was overruled. The brothers at Andali
had not made a dash at Herat; but, receiving ex-
aggerated reports of the discomfiture of tlu‘ Herat
army, they marched to intercept its remnants, and
fell back when they found it unbroken. tKil Ma-
homed Khan surrendered Kandahar, and his sub-
sequent fate has been already noticed. It is hard
to say wlrether he was a traitor in intention or not.
He may have reasoned that “ the royal army is all-
powerful, and must succeed at Kfubail, wlien the
-Andali brothers will disband their troops, or he
deserted by them.” Again, when ho witnessed the
extent of the evil he had occasioned, how {‘ould

li^VITATION OF SHAH SUJAH AL MULKH. 61

he face his sovereigg, or trust Mmself in the power
of the implacable Kamran ?

Dost Mdhomed Khan’s good fortune may be
said* to have won Kabal a second time. His bro-
ther, Mahomed Azem Khdn, had arrived at Pe-
shawer, having left his half-brother, Jabar Khan,
in charge of Kashmir. He had no sooner left
the valley than the Sikhs prejjared to attempt
its conquest. From Peshawer Mahomed Azem
Khin sent an invitation to the ex-king, Shah
Sujah al Miilkh, to join him. This measure loses
its singularity when the existence of Sultan Ali
as king at Kabal is considered, as respect for the
Sddh Zai princes had not been yet wholly de-
stroyed. So important did Mahomed Azem KliAn
judge it to have a prince of the royal blood in
his camp that he did not venture to move on
Kabal without one. Sh4h Shjah al Mhlkh ar-
rived at PeshSwer, and the premature exhibition
of his exalted notions of regal dignity led to a
battle between him and his inviters. The Shlih,
defeated, fled, and found his way to ShikarpCir.
Mahomed Azem Kh^ now adopted the Prince
Ayub as king, no better being to be found, and,
thus provided, took the road to K^bal.'' On the
retreat of the Herat army Dos! Mahomed Khan
had made himself master of Ghazni, in which he
placed his brother, Amir Mahomed Khan, very-
likely foreseeing that it would be the only hold
he could contrive tp retain. He was unable to

B 2

52 EXPEDITION AGAINST TII^'e SIKHS.

oppose Mahomed A5JemJvhan,,.witli his l:ir”-e army
and treasures, with all the wci«-lit of th(> family
united against him, for now the hrollK'r sirdars
of Kandahar would have marched (o '’S’uppert' the
head of the fomily. A good d(‘al of mediation
and altercation, of course, (msmsl, hut it tt'rmi-
nated in the acknowledgment of Maiumu'd A/aan
Khan as sirdar, and Ayub Hlulh as nominal s(»yc-
reign. Dost Mahomed Khdn was jau-mittml to
possess Ghazni, and the brothers, who had obtained
Kdndahar, were judged worthy to hold it. .bib;ir
Khdn, who had been defeated, wnundetl, and driven
from K<%hmir, was placed in (diarge of the (dnljis
dependant on Kabal ; Mahomed Ztmian Khan, son
of the Nawdb Assad Khan, was ap]M)int('d to .bda-
labad; Yar Mahomed Khan and his brothers to
Peshawer; and the Nawab Samad Khan, resi-
dent at Kabal, to Kohat and llangu. By this
distribution the country was fairly partitioned
amongst the several member.s of the family, and
perhaps most or all of them were satisfied, ('.xcept
Dost Mahomed Khan. It was now the common
interest to repel foreign invasion, ami to preserve
the family statu quo. The former was to be
apprehended from Herfit and from the Panjab.
For an infraction*' of the latter Dost Mdhoim'd
Khin was principally to be dreadml. In consc-
•quence of the recognition of Hhah Ayub, the
monarch of Dost Mahomed’s creation, Shah Sill-
tan All quietly descended in^o private life. His

, 3ULTAN ALI KING. 53

enjoyment of brief sovereigntj- bad cost him the
little wealth he ha(? accumulated.

The first care of Mahomed Azem Khfin was
directed* Shikarpur, where Shdh Sujah

al Mulkh was organizing an army. It was deter-
mined to march and disperse it. The several mem-
bers of the confederacy supplied quotas of troops,
and many personally attended. The army marched
from Kabal, the new Shah Ayub accompanying it.
It had passed Ghazni, when Dost Mahomed Khan
returned to Kabal, drew Shah Siiltan All from
retirement, and anew proclaimed him king. Ma-
homed Azem Khan was compelled to retrace his
steps. Shah Sfiltan Ali, on the arrival of Shah
Ayfib in Kfibal, had abandoned the palace of the
Balia Hissar, in which Dost Mahomed Khiin had
seated him, and retired to the Bfigh Vazir. He
still resided there. It is difficult to account for
Dost Mahomed Khan’s conduct, unless we suppose
him desirous of creating as much annoyance and
trouble as he could, or that there was a concerted
plan to remove Shah Sultan Ali, who, as before
noted, was a person of some ability. After some
of the ordinary querulous discussion amongst the
brothers, and' the intervention of friends, some
arrangement was determined upon, and Dost M4-
homed Khan, protesting his fidelity, submitted to
Shah Siiltan Alz that to secure himself as sovereign
he must cut off Shih Ayiib. Shah Sultan Ali
indignantly rejected the proposal, and reviled him

SULTAN ALI STRAXGJ KD.

who dared to make jt. Dost Maliome<I Khan had
eased his conscience : he had shown the priiieo the
only mode, under circumstances, hy ^vllich In; (“oukl
preserve him'sedf, and if he declined ,to adoj[>t it
the error was his own. On his own part, ho felt
absolved from interostin^t himscdf about the fate' of
a prince who was himself rec'kless of it. lie wish-
ed the prince to remove into the Balia Ilissiii’,
which he did, occupying his own house. iB.ahomed
Azem Khan next urged upon Bhuh Ayuh the
necessity of putting to death Shah Sultan Ali,
promising, if he complied, that he wouhl in like
manner dispose of Dost j\Iahomed Khan. Shiih
Aydb had the baseness to consent. The two shah-s,
for the few days they lived together in the Balia
Hissar, visited each other, and sat on tlu‘ same
masnad. At length prince fsinael, %vith a servant,
strangled the unfortunate Shiih Sultan Ali, when
reposing, after an entertainment given to him.
Shdh Aydb now asked Mahomeil Azem Khan to
redeem his pledge as to Dost Mrihomed Khan.
The chief observed, “How can I slay my hrotlun?”
It is as unpleasant to comment on such ix'volting
transactions as to narrate tlumi. Dost iVIahoined
Khan had j:econciled his conscience; ami tlu^ sirdar
may have presumed that he Avas guiltless of a crime
committed by another. Tf one Sfidu Zni put to
death another they could not help it. The sidvan-
tages of the perfidy they derived in the disappear-

^ SMDIAN STRATAGEM. 55

ance of a source of embarrasspient ; and tlie"army
■was again put in in()^ion for SMkarpdr,

Taking the route of Ghazni and ShMl, where
it was by the Kandahar contingent, it finally

neared it^ destination. The army of ShMi Shjah
al Mulkh melted away before it, but the sird&
was detained some time in the an-angement of the
Sind tribute.

The Amirs had collected a numerous rabble,
and a variety of negotiations were carried on, the
Ddranis anxious to get as much as they could, and
the Amirs willing to pay as little as they could
help. The latter also made an experiment to
disperse their obnoxious guests, by making a
feigned attack by night on their camp. Muskets
were discharged from the thickets on all sides, to
the consternation of the Ddr^is, who were well
disposed to have given way to panic, but the
presence of mind of their leader saved them. He
did not move from his tent, but called for his musi-
cians, alFecting not even to notice the matter,
taking care, however, to issue, without Mat, the
necessary instructions to preserve order. In the
morning the Amirs of Sind sent respectfully to
inquire concerning the sirdar’s health, and to
express their hopes that the tohi, or wedding, they
had celebrated during the night had not disturbed
his sleep. Mahomed Azem Khan had purposed to
have well riddled the treasures of the ingenious

EXPEDITION.

Amirs, but the intrigues in liis nmdc him

unwillingly accept an obligation to [my twelve
lakhs of rupees front them, three lakhs of which
was made ov6r ■to him, and the rc'maiudoF'V.as m.'ver
paid. The sirdar was overhurthened with treasure,
the fruits of his government in Kashmir, but to
preserve it he was constraiuetl to carry it about
with him. It was now in the camp, and Dost
Mahomed Khan, with Shir Dil Khdn, had i>roJected
to seize it. The discovery of the foul (ilot precijii-
tated the retreat of jMahomed Azem Khan, and
saved the Amirs of Sind from a heavy sacrilicc
of their hoarded wealth.

The sirdar next set on foot an ex[H'dition against
the Sikhs, who, elate with the capture of Kashmir,
and the possession of Atak, were supposml to con-
template ulterior aggressive measures. The spirit
of the Dtirmii chieftains luid not yi't lieen broken ;
the triumphs of the infidels were imimted to fraud
and accident, and it was confidently Ixdit'ved that
the sword would repel them, and drive them from
their recent acquisitions. The defeat at liaidaro
had thrown no disgrace on the valour of those
engaged, and Mahomed Azem Khan remembered
that Ranjit Singh was not invincibhy for he had
inflicted a severe /jhastisemeiit upon him on the
Tusa Maid^ in K<tshmir, when first his ambi-
tious projects led him personally to invade the
mountain-girt valley. Great preparations were
made for the war, and agents wore despatched into

TAMPERING OF RANJIT SINGH. 57

the Mlly regions north of the course of the Kabal
river, to arouse the Janatic population, and to draw
out their gallant bands to co-operate in the great
fight of the. faith. Ranjit Singh, with no less ac-
tivity, prepared for the struggle. That shrewd chiet-
tain knew too well the weak points of his Duntni
opponents to neglect assailing them at so critical a
conjuncture. He was conscious that it was easier
to disunite them by artifice than to conquer them
in the field. His agents had already began to
tamper with the brother chiefs of Peshawer. It
was represented to them that they had an oppor-
tunity of experiencing the favour and liberality
of the sirkfir, and of securing the possession of
their territories in absolute independence. It
was not asked in return that they should betray
their elder brother, but that they should so con-
trive that he should quietly return to Kdbal. The
Peshawer chiefs were soothed with the notion of
throwing off dejaendence on Mahomed Azem Khan,
forgetful that in so doing they became vassals of
Ranjit Singh. In another point of view, the
chances of the war were doubtful, and they felt
it to be their interest to confirm themselves in
pow’-er, let what would happen. Th^sy listened
coinplacently, therefore, to Ranjit Singh’s over-
tures, and clandestinely entered into communica-
tions with him. Mdhomed Azem Khan eventually
marched from K^bal, and, taking the route of
Jelalabad and the pass of Karapa, arrived at Min-

DELUSIVE LETTEK'?.

clam; where he dej)Osite(l his treasun's. ITo then
crossed the river of Kabal, anu reacdied Pi>sha\v(‘r.
Dost Mahomed KhAn attended the army, and the
halt at this '=pkce led to the loss of lus''-old Sikh
friend, Jai Singh. The advanced detachnrent.s of the
Ddnini and Sikh armies had upprotudied near enough
to each other for occasional skirmislu's to happen.
One day, some thirty Sikh Iu‘a<ls were brought
in, and affixed to the house of Jai Singh, lie
accepted the act as a warning to tl('eump, and
fled to the Sikh army, lie was afterwards slain
in the Panjah.

Dost M<thomed Khan, aware that his brothers
of Peshawer had an understanding with the enemy,
signified to the elder, Yar Mahomed Khan, his
desire of becoming an accomplice. Var Mahomed
Khan did not fail to encourage him or to boast
to the Sikhs the extent of his services in securing to
their interest the most warlike of the sirdars bro-
thers. Banjit Singh had now <-rossed the Atak, and
Mahomed Azem Khdn was emaimptal at Nosluira.
Negotiations, so fatal to Dilranis, wtwe carriisl on,
and Yar Mahomed Khan, on the part of the sir-
dar, was in the Sikh camp. What couhl Ih> ex-
pected frojn such an envoy? Either wilfully, or
at the dictation of the Sikhs, he wrote! d(dusiv<^
letters to Mahomed Azem Khan, and informed
him that it was contemplated to seize, his hai"ain
and treasure at Minchiui. The tiaxisurt' was a
constant source of solicitude to the ill-fatc‘d sirdar.

DESILNS UPON MINCHINI. 59

He was compelled to carry it with him, and then
had difficulty to preserve it.

Dost Mahomed KhA,n stands again accused of
having dfteg+ied his unhallowed attention to it. A
sharp action, had taken place on the opposite side
of the river, between a portion of the Sikh troops
and the levies of the Yusef Zai districts. Eanjit
Singh was in person at the contest, and although
it is pretended that he crossed the river on a hunt-
ing excursion, and accident brought about the con-
flict, yet the fact of his having passed seemed to
countenance the report of designs upon Minchini
and the treasure. Mahomed Azem Khin was in
sore uneasiness of mind, he wept, tore his beard,
and inveighed bitterly against the treason of his bre-
thren. He foresaw the disgrace of retiring with-
out a struggle from the fleld ; nor could he endure
the reflection that his wives and treasure should
fall into the hands of Eanjit Singh. Undetermined
whether to stand his ground or to retreat ; now de-
ciding upon the one, now upon the other alter-
native, his indecision was communicated to his
army. The infection spread, and augmented to
panic. The dark shades of night magnified the
existing doubt and terror; the whole camp was
in movement. All were packing up and deserting
it as a haunted spot, without any one knowing why.
The morning came, but the army no longer ex-^
isted. The unfortunate Mahomed Azem Khan
collected its wrecks, and picking up his haram and

CO DEATH OF AZEM K?IAN.

wealth at Minchiiu, crossed the Moiuand hills, and
regained the valley oi JelalalKul. The ohji'ct of
Raiijit Singh being obtained, he had no fartlu'r need
of Yar MiilMsied Khan, and dismisstsMlfin t(’> join
his fugitive brothers, and to plot fresh nus<duef.
The Sikh chief entered Peshawer, but so ('xidted
was the state of public feeling throughout the
country that ho did not thiidc prudent to retain
it. Yar Mlihoined Khan and Dost Mahonu'd Khan
were privately sent for, and tlu'y n'luiiretl to Ih'sha-
wer from the Durani canij) at Daka. Ranjit Singh
rewarded their treason to their brother and their
services to himself by dividing the territory of
Peshiiwer equally between theju, vm-y expertly
placing Dost Mahomed Khan in an antagonist posi-
tion to the brothers of Yar Mahomed Khun, and
thereby providing for the sui>port of strife and
dissensions amongst them. Dost Mahonu'd Khan
for some time resided at Ilashtnagar, not ashamed
to be indebted for territory to Hanjit Singh. INIa-
homed Azom Khan, exhausted by vexation, fell
into a dysentery, which carried him to the grave.
He may be truly said to have <liod broken-hearted.
It may be useless to speculate on what <li<l not
occur. W-e shall not inquire, therefore, what might
have been the state of aftairs had ho adhered to
his original intention of contenting himsedf with
K&hmir; or if, when Dost hirdiomed Khan had
'Won Ivi\bal, he had permitted him to have ivtaincd
it. No doubt a knowledge of his younger brother’s

kiS CHARACTER. Cl

character influenced him, and liQ foresaw the cliance
of having the resources of Kabal directed against
him. Mahomed Azem Khan had considerable abi-
lity-^ w’as*^lk©wy, munificent, and digilifibd. He was
esteemed worthy of his high station. In private
life he was free, social and devoted to pleasure, but
not at the expense of business. His qualities were
compatible with friendship, and amongst his de-
pendent chiefs he could boast of many friends.
He was succeeded by his elder son, Habib Ulah
Khan, a rash headstrong youth, elevated in the full
indulgence of his unruly passions, and in the midst
of all kinds of excesses. His vices and failings
were rather of habit than of the heart, and to atone
for them he possessed indomitable personal bravery
and lavish generosity. Unfortunately he had reck-
lessness in place of judgment, and was utterly
unfit to contend with his keen and rapacious uncles,
in the struggle which it required no prophetical
skill to divine they would excite. The dying-
father, conscious of his son’s incapacity and want
of discretion, recommended him to the care of his
uncle, Jabai- Khan; he placed their hands wdthin
each other, and conjured his bi-other to supply his
place as father, while he implored his son to wipe
off the disgrace he had suffered before the Sikhs.

The intelligence of the dangerous disorder of
M^omed Azem Khan had brought Fur Dil Kjian,
from Kandahar. The shah, of the sirdar’s creation,
Ayub, will not have been forgotten. He still re-

62 FUR i)iu khan.^

sided in tlie Balia Hissar. Oii tlu^ <leini.se of Ma-
homed Azexn Ivhan, the Shahzada Isinutd, the in-
strument previously of removing Hhdh Rvlltan AH,
intreated his^hfther to arise and .seize thf'^'^tia'asnros
of the departed chief. There were lu'it wanting
many who would have aided in the enterprise. The
indolent and corpulent Ayiib rehuktHl liis son as a
blockhead, who, to no purpose, assured him tliat it
was the only mode of preserving himself against the
evil intentions of F6r Dil Khan. Hhahzfuia Ismael,
finding his father deaf to all his repn‘sentations, left
the city on pretence of a })leasure-])arty to Hanjitak,
but in reality intending to retire to Pcshawer. The
father, apprised thereof, sent after liim, and induced
his return. The plans of Fur Dil Khan wan-e no
secret, and very many persons wislu'd the .shrih to
take precautionary measures, ofiering to .support
him in case he did. The infatuated prince was ac-
customed to revile such advisers, and allccted to
disbelieve what they reported to him. A t h'ngth
the sirdar intimated to the shfili his inttuitiou of
making a visit to him in the Bfilla Hissar. The shfdi
consented, and merely ordered that the sirdar only
should be admitted within the entrance-gate of the
fortress. Tn the morning the sirdar appt'ared at
the gate, and his follow^ers, Kohistains principally,
rushed in and filled the bazar Araba. On naiehing
-the.entrance of the palace another effort was made
to exclude the armed followers of the sirdar, but
another rush introduced them, and they spread over

dIiATH op ISMAEL. 63

the courts. The sirdar, and his.brother, Meher Dil
Khan, with a few attendants, ascended the staircase
and entered the darbar apartment, where the shdh
and Ms s<Si>Prince Ismael, were seate'd.* Salutations
were exchanged, and some loose conYersation took
place, until the sirdars began to motion with their
eyes to each other, and to their followers. It may
be presumed, that Prince Ismael perceived the signs,
for he seized his carbine, laying before him, and
presented it at the sirdars. The Kohistanis, who
had surrounded the father and son, were able to
turn the direction of the carbine, but a Kohistani
was killed, and others were wounded by its dis-
charge. The unfortunate prince was immediately
shot by the companions of the man slain, the shah
was made prisoner, and the palace became a scene
of plunder. One ELaji Alf, who is also reported to
have shot the prince, despoiled the shih of his rai-
ments, and clad him in his own ; then, by the sirdar’s
orders, placed him behind himself on a horse, and
carried him off to the Burj Vazii*. A singular
spectacle was offered to the people of the city as
Haji All bore the degraded monarch along the
streets, but they had become familial- with extra-
ordinary events and regarded them with apathy.
The sirdm-s, when they had given the orders, conse-
quent on the feat they had performed, returned to
their dwellings in the city with the same conyio-,
sure after the deposition of a monarch as if they
had been enjoying a morning’s ride. The delusion

JABAR KHAN.

of royalty wliicli invested Sh:\]i^,Ayul) was too appa-
rent to cleceivo any one, and it seemed as if tlio
mock dignity had been couft'rred upon him i)ur-
posely to bring" it and the Sadu Zai fand^y into con-
tempt. Fur Dil Khan terminatt'd the faf<‘e, and did
not feel himself bound to tolerate a shadow of his
deceased brother’s creation. Shah .Vyub was tnaited
with much indignity in the BurJ Vazir, and it was
wished to have tortured him that he might surrender
treasure. By interveiition a comjiromisi' was agrei'd
upon, and on the payment of a lakh of rupees the
shah was released, and had libm-ty to go where he
might list. Mahomed Zcuian Khan on tliis occa-
sion behaved generously, and put the unfortunate
prince in a condition to travel to laibort' with com-
fort. Ranjit Singh allowed him one thousand ru-
pees per me7isem. Ills brotlu'r, Shahzada Tbrahim,
who resided at Peslntwer, was emiljled, on news
reaching of the events at Kfibal, to retire across the
Atak, with his family and wealth entire. Tt may bt>
noted also, that the Nawab .labar Khan privahdy
conveyed to Shdh Aydb inttdligcnce of his danger.

Jabar Khan, commonly called the nawdh, from
having held the government of Deni (Uinzi Khan,
was one of the more elderly of the sons of Si-
rafrasj Khan, but'- having lost his motlun- at an
early age, his education and fortune were for .some
-time neglected. Mahomed Azem Khan at length
noticed him, aird pressed his claims on the attt'iition
of the vazir, who appointed him successively to the

LOSS OF KASHMIR.

governments of Dera Julian and of iCabal.

In both offices he acquitted himself highly to the
satisfaction of tlje governed, but not equally so to
tha^o of ffe. vazir. Besides,* in comnion with his
brothers, totertaining exalted notions of his import-
ance, and affecting independence of action, he forgot
to remit the revenues of his provinces. On these
accounts the vazir more than once treated him with
severity, and he w^as obliged to seek asylum with
Mahomed Azein Khin, who invariably received him
with kindness, and protected him. When deprived
of the government of Khbal, he fled to Kashmir,
and induced Mahomed Azem Khan to assume so
suspicious an attitude that the vazir marched against
him. A battle took place. The vazir, defeated
in the field, rode singly into his brothei-’s camp,
and embraced him for having so worthily proved him-
self a soldier, but expostulated with him on allow-
ing Jab& to sow dissensions between them. When
Mdhomed Azem Khan left Kashmir Jabar Khan
was made governor. Five months scarcely elapsed
when a Sikh army entered the province. With
more rashness than sense, without forming his
troops, he advanced, with a few followers, in front of
the hostile line. A volley brought nearly all to the
ground, and amongst them Jafe^ Khan, who had
received five or six musket-shots. It was with dif-
ficulty they contrived to carry him off. No battle,^
but flight and slaughter followed. Kashmir was lost
to the Duranis. In the distribution of territory,

6G HABIB ULAH KIIAN’S IX>I>LY.

wliich succeeded the establishment of iMiiliomed
Azem Khan at Kabal, Jabur Khan juainircd the
government of theGhiljis, dependent tliereoii. This
nobleman hks< always shown partieuhu.-<-r iviIity to
European travellers who have visite<l A'tghanistan,
and always ex])resses his desire tlial some politi<-:il
understanding may originatt' betweim Kd])nl and
India. He may, probably, in this respect, liave
imbibed the sentiments of his brother, jMahomed
Azem Khan.

The deceased sirdar in no way imitated the de-
structive policy of the vazir as to the Dilrani
chiefs. He collected as many as he could about
him, and by munificent donations contributed to
improve their broken fortunes. His court was very
respectable. His son soon reversed the order of
things, and, immersed in dissij>atitm, surrounded
himself with the profligate and abandoned of all
classes. He conducted the government at first by
means of his father’s officers, but tljey became
speedily disgusted, and either retired or were dis-
placed. The counsels of the Nawnb Jabar Khan
were, of course, slighted.

Dost Mahomed Khan did not fail to observe
that a field of action was open to him, and lu- saw
a fair chance of wresting from the infatnatt'd son
that Kabal which he pretended the father had
jinjustly taken from him. His territori(‘s at Pe-
shawer he consigned to the charge of deputies,

I ';;minrnf(iiiii i -'mi ' mm -

♦ *

INVESTMENT OF BALLA HISSAR. 67

and hastened to E^^bal, where he connected him-
self with all the turbulent spirits of the country.

Hostilities soon broke out ; and for some months
thei^ we:fe"incessant contests, in which Habib Ulah
"Khin, frohi his superior force, came off victo-
rious, and Dost Mahomed Khan fled to the Ko-
histin, or to Ghazni, to recruit his means and
prepare for a renewed struggle. At length Habib
Ulah exasperated the Nawib Jabar Khan, by de-
priving him of his government, which he gave to a
dissolute attendant of his orgies, Nazir Ali Maho-
med; and farther alienated Amintilah Khin, Loghari,
one of his father’s confidential servants, and a person
of the highest influence, by seeking to destroy him.
The results were, that the Nawab Jabar Khan in-
clined to the cause of Dost Mahomed Khan, who
again appeared in the field, and that, in an action
fought on the Dasht Kergah, near the city, Aminfi-
lah Khan, and his associates, went over to him in a
body. Habib Ulah Khan defeated, retired within
the Balia Hissar, which. Dost Mahomed Khan,
taking possession of the city, immediately invested.

CHAPTER rV.

The Kandahar sirdirs yimrch to the aid Hahih Ulah Khan —
Dost Mdhomed Kbaa retires.-— Bcizt in? of liahib Tlah Klum* —
Dost Mdhomed Khan asserts iuiuself his avongon^ — Sail state of
Kiibal. — Favourable dispositions to Dost Maloaued Khan, — The
Kandaliar sirdars desirous to secure and blind him, — ^aved bj
Khan. — New arrangements, — ilaji Khaifs freuk,~-liv
gages in Dost Mahomed Khan's service. — t^ultan Mahomed
Khan’s errors. — His lax government. — Besieged hy Dost Maho-
med Khan, — Retires to Peshawer. — Ahmei! i^hah.~His pre-
tensions. — His success with the Yus;if Zuis.— lilends the ?e-
shdwer sirdars. — Is betrayed by them.— New claims td'Dost
Mahomed Khan’s brothers. — Reduction id' Zilrmut.— Return to
Kabah and welcome. — Saiyad Ahmed >Shrdi’s movt‘ments.^ — Dost
Mdhomed Khan’s assistance to his Peshawer brothers. — Extra-
vagancies of Habib Ulah Klum. — His fidlowers seduced by Dost
^ Mahomed Kh^n, — Discomfiture of the Nawah Jabiir Kham—
March of Dost Mahomed Khan to Taghow. — Ills apprehensions
of Mazulali. — Death of Maziilah.- — Designs on Jelillahad. — De-
fection in Dost Mdhomed Khan’s army — Arrangements.—*
Oaths. — Resumption of the Ghiiji government. — Rt‘marks on
Dost Mdhomed Khan’s character. — Ills talents for business. — *
His administration, — Projects of Shah Sujali-al-I^hilkh. — Senti-
ments of the people. — Of Dost I\Iuhomed Khan. — Proposal to
assume royalty rejeifced. — Anival of missiim from Kundir/. —
Visit of Mir Alam Khan. — View’’s on Bajor, — ■ llmmmrs and
reports.

. " ■ --fp. ■

The brotlier chiefs at Kaiulaluti and Peshawer
. had not heen indiiferent to the (‘vents juissin^ at

seizure' OF HABIB ULAH KHAN. 69

Kabal. It neither -accorded with their feelings nor
policy that Dost Mahomed Khan should obtain the
country, or what remained of the treasure of their
deceased brother. Circumstances had not allowed
them to act before ; or so long as Habib Ulah Khan
was the victor so much necessity for movement did
not exist. Now that he was besieged, it behoved them
to take prompt measures. Shir Dil Khmr, with his
brothers, hastened to K^bal, on the plea of assisting
Habib Ulah Khan. A variety of desultory actions
followed, interluded by overtures and negotiations,
and Dost Mahomed Khdn was ultimately compel-
led to fly to the Kohistdn. The K^dahar chiefs
congratulated Habib Ulah Khan ; and assuring him
that he might always depend upon their aid against
the evil designs of Dost Mahomed Kh^, intimated
their intention of returning to Kandahdr. They
joined their p&h-khana, fixed at Aliabad, without
the city. Habib Ulah paid them, as he thought,
a farewell visit, when he was seized by Meher Dil
Khlin, and instantly smuggled off to a castle in Lo-
ghar, belonging to Khoda Nazzar, a Ghilji, and
confidential minister of the brothers. The perfidi-
ous uncles as instantly mounted, and took posses-
sion of the city and Balia Hissar. It” need not
be remarked, that what remained of the treasure
fell into their hands. Neither did they scruple, on
the score of delicacy, as to the means of elicif^ng-
it. It is possible that Shir Dil Khan may have
contemplated the retention of K^al, but a little

70 SAD STATE OF KABAL.

experience proTcd 'it vas net pr:u‘tical)Ie. Dost
Mahomed Khan was again in arms, as the avenger
of Habib Ulah Khan, and tlie opj)ressiv(' nu'asures

of Klioda Nazzar, or Mama, as commonly culled,

■#

intrusted with the charge of the city, had (‘st ranged
the good-will of all. The brotlier chiefs of Pesha-
wer had eventually reache<l Kabal, ami a strange
medley of counsels and consultations prevailed. It
would be impossible to detail the proet'edings of
this period, or the intrigues earrit'd on. The dif-
ferences of the several brothers produced a chaos
of confusion, and although nothing was settled
amongst themselves, many of their purtismis were
involved in disaster. Their followers have lu'cn
engaged in deadly strife when the rival leaders were
sitting together over a plate of cherries. The
settlement of their pretensions was ultimately ac-
celerated by a manifestation of public ft'rding. The
state of Kabal must have been terrific ; and the re-
flecting at last began to think as to wbat course
they should adopt to terminat(5 it. The Juanshirs
and the Shia community deti‘rmiu(;d to support
Dost Mclhomed Khan, and that chief s<‘cr(‘t!y ro
paired to the city, and entered into engagements
with them. Dm-ing the consultatiojiM that had
passed between th'e brothers it had been (Im-idtal
to put to death, or to blind, Dost Mahomed Khan ;
• and on one occasion, when he had hetui allured
to an interview, he had been placed in a cham-
ber, and the door had been chained. Comi)nnc-

■7^.z

0 NSW AREANGEMENTS, 71

tion, or tlie intercession of some one, saved "him,

• 1 **

and he left the house unconscious of the danger
he had been exposed to. Now that it was known
that the ^hia community had espoused his cause,
strenuous •eiforts were made again to secure his
person and to blind him, if no more. Dost Ma-
homed Kh^’s extreme caution' was overcome, and
he came, intending to have an interview with his
brothers. He was about to have entered the apart-
ment where his fate would have been sealed, when
Haji Khan, in the secret, motioned him to retire.
He did so, mounted his hoi’se and galloped off.
The Kh^ca soldier of fortune, in the service at
this time of Shir Dil Khan, was able to discern
that, backed by Kazilbash influence. Dost Ma-
homed Kh^ had every chance of establishing
himself. He had ever, from his acquaintance at
Herat, had certain sympathies with him, and now
he had determined to join his fortunes with those
of Dost Mahomed Kh^. It was felicitous to pre-
face the connexion by a signal service. The de-
lusive arrangements tendered by the brothers to
their kinsman with the view of betraying him,
were converted into effective and real ones by
the force of circumstances. It had beeji decided,
as treachery had failed, to ha\e had another ap-
peal to anns ; it had also been concerted by those
willing to close the fearful drama enacting, to have
slain one of the brothers in the expected combat, '
and by producing a blood feud amongst them, to

72 HAJI KHAN’S FlUUK.

have'Ied to tlieir mutual extermination. The fact
became known, ami it was felt iiulisiuMisahle to
accommodate matters without risking the safety
of the family. ■■ By the new basis agreed epon Dost
Mahomed Khan received the Kohistan -and (lliaz-
ni, but as he had lost the territories at Pesha%ver,
he benefited principally by the more favourable
position he was placed in. 'I'he city of Kahal
was given to Sfiltan Mrdiomed Khan, the second
of the Peshawer brothers. .labar Kluln n'as rein-
stated in the Ghilji government, and jlahib riah
Khan, released from captivity, re<*eived the dis-
tricts of Loghar and Ghorband. 'I’he governments
of Jelalabad, Peshawer, and Kandahar were not
affected.

When the sirdars of Kandalutr -^vere about to
leave Kabal Haji KhAn Avas missing, and it was
discovered that he liad retired to a shrine in the
city, and that, professing to have beccmie a taquir,
he had deprived himself of his clothing, and was
seated, in great humility, with a langoti, or cloth
bound round his loins. The sirdars w(‘nt to him,
and asking if he was mad, conjured him to arise
and go back with them; but he su'ore that he
had renounced the world, and, as a facjuir, intend-
ed to pass the renjainder of his days in seidnsion,
prayer, and repentance. Whatever the sii’diirs
J;hought of such assurances, they could not over-
come his resolution, and time not allowing tlnnu
much opportunity to reason with him, they loft

Hi ■• . ■

- SULTAN MAHOMED’S ERRORS. 73

him behind. As soon as they were gone Dost
Mahomed Khan was in the presence of the penitent
f%uir, and calling him baba, or father, besought
him not tG* desert him in his new “ situation, for
which he whs chiefly indebted to him, and entreat-
ed him to get up and become his vazir. Haji
Khan set forth his abhorrence of power, and the
great crimes it leads men to commit ; but Dost
Mahomed Khan was so earnest and affectionate
that suddenly his scruples vanished, and avowing
that he had always loved the sirdar, he declared
that he would serve him even if he lost his
own soul.

Within the year after his return from Kabal
with the plunder of his nephew, died Shir Dil Khan,
leaving his ill-gotten wealth to be spoliated by his
brothers. By his decease Dost Mahomed Khan
lost the brother most capable of opposing his ad-
vancement, and the one whose activity and valour
he most dreaded. Sultan Mahomed Khdn at Kabal
experienced that he had a dangerous neighbour in
the Kohistan. Unluckily for this chief, the union
of the Kazilbashes with Dost Mahomed KTiAu
drove him into the arms of the Sum party too
exclusively ; and looking upon his brother’s friends
as enemies to himself, he treated them with harsh-
ness and contempt. The city under his adminis-
tration bid fair to become the theatre of religious
dissensions; it had already begun to be a prey*to
disorder, which it may be conceived Dost Mahom-

74 LAX GOVEENMENT- ^

♦

ed Khan’s emissarjes fomented. SultAn Mitliomed
Khan was wonderfully fond of splendid dresses, and
his predilection for finery and embroidery bad
earned him •'the sobriquet of Sultsln:^ Mahomed
Khan Tillahi (the golden Sult4n Maluflned Khan).
Not deficient in ability, he seemed ill-suited to
govern, and while capable of business, seemed to
dislike it. Respectable both in the field and cabi-
net, he willingly fled from both to the pleasures
of the harain. His public measures Avere lax, and
he left much to his officers. It is said, that during
his sway there were as many h£cams, or governors,
in the city as there were kuchas, or sections. It
required a more vigilant chief to contend with the
restless and indefatigable Dost Miihomed Khan.

When, finally, Sultan Mahomed Khfin received
a message from his brother that he must evacuate
the city, or dispute its possession on the plain, he
exclaimed against his perfidy and perjury instead
of exerting himself to oppose him. His Suni
friends, however, warded off one or t%vo attacks,
but their chief became invested in the Bfdla Hissar.
As no movement was made from Kandahar or Pe-
shdwer for his relief, it may be iiresuined that it was
not coirvenient to afford it. Be this as it may, by
the intervention of friends a treaty was concImU'd
by which Sultan Mahomed Klum consente<l to
^ retire to Peshdwer, and Dost Alahomed Khan bonnd
himself to remit, annually, one lakh of ru])ees in
return. As the Peshawer chief evacuated the Balia

' POSSESSION OF KABAL. 75

. # ,

Hissar by the eastern g-ate the fortunate Dost Ma-
homed Kh^ passed into it by the western gate.
His partisans and the populace manned the ram-
parts, and'^in derision shouted affcef 1;he retiring
Sultan Mahomed Khan, “ Khush amadid, Sultin
Mahomed Khan, Tillahi,” or Good-b’ye to you.
Golden Shlt^ Mahomed Khan.

Dost Mahomed KhAn had now attained the fii’st
object of his ambition, the possession of Kabal ;
but he well knew it would be disputed with him
as soon as his brothers of K^dahar and Peshawer
were able to take the field. He had profited by
their embaiTassed situation, and in place of assist-
ing them had seized the occasion to aggrandize
himself. To understand the events now passing
it must be observed, that some time previously the
celebrated fanatic and impostor, Ahmed ShAh, had
passed through these countries into the Yusaf Zai
districts, assuming a delegated power from above
to exterminate the Sikhs, and to make himself
master of the Panjab, of Hindostan, and of China.
The shrewd chiefs of Kabal and Peshawer, while
showing him the attentions due to a saiyad, were
not quite convinced of his divine mission ; still, while
regarding him cautiously, they could not? as Mus-
sulmans, seem even to object to the crusades he
proposed. In the Yusaf Zai country he was re-
ceived with perfect cordiality, implicit confidence
was given to his assertions, and the enthusiastic
population took uj) arms, eager to signalize them-

AHMED SHAH’S PRETENSIONS.

selves in the cause of religion, and to have shares
in the countries which, as the saiyad told them,
God had bestowed upon them. His unexpeetcjd
success in foilsing the Yusaf Zais induced the Pe-
shawer chiefs to open a communicatioil with him,
agreeably to their plan of being on the right side
under any circumstances ; and so innumerable were
the hosts with the saiyad that his triumph, if un-
certain, did not appear improbable. The saiyad
himself was intoxicated with the results of his im-
pudence and effrontery, and, assured of victory,
affected to treat his allies as subordinates. Their
pique immediately produced a x-enewal of their
understanding Avith the Sikhs, and in the battle
which followed, by flying on its commencement
they threw confusion and disaster amongst the
saiyad’s in-egular host. The daring and sul,)tilc
impostor retired to his Yusaf Zai asylum, denoun-
cing vengeance on Yiir Mahomed Khan. Dost Ma-
homed Khan was in correspondence with the sai-
yad, and it opportunely happened that his ])i'ocet'd-
ings, by keeping the attention of the Peshawc>r
chiefs engaged, were favourable to the Kabul cliiefs
designs. HlLji Khan was constantly lamenting tliat
the discords betAA'een the brothers of the. fuTuily
should prevent his-marching Avith their united force
to assist the holy saiyad Ahmed Slufh.

I have ab'eady related the result of the (rom-
bination between the brother chicts of Kandahar
and Peshawer to Imnrble Dost Mahomed Khdn,

REDUCTION OF ZURMAT.

and the active part taken by S^^iyad Aluned Shah
in preventing the march westward of the Peshawer
chiefs.

The sev'^ral brothers having trea<te(f with Dost
Mahomed Khair as chief of Kabal, henceforth
relinquished their attacks upon him on account of
his unjust claims, and assailed him on a new point,
urging, that it was his duty to contribute a portion
of his revenues towards the expenses they incurred
in defending themselves respectively, against Kam-
ran on the one side, and the Sikhs on the other,
while, medially situated, he was at ease and in
leisure, multiplying his resources ; it might have con-
fessed fear, if they had added w'hat yet they felt —
for their degradation. To their demands for moirey
or troops, the chief always replied, that the first
he could not give, and the latter he would send
only when their territories were actually invaded.

No sooner had the Kandahai’ army retreated from
Ghazni than Dost Mahomed Khan, at the insti-
gation of Haji Khan, marched upon Zurmat, the
country of the Suliman Khel Ghiijis. The chief
hesitatingly consented to this expedition, being
fearful, he said, to arouse the Ghiijis. It termi-
nated successfully ; a multitude of castles were de-
stroyed, tribute was levied, and fits payment annu-
ally settled for the future. In this campaign the
cholera spread amongst the troops, and produped .
some casualties. Dost Mahomed Khan was affected
by it, and, dubious as to the result, conjured Haji

78 RETURN TO KABAL.

Khin, in case of, accident, to conduct liis wives
to Kabal.

The chief returned to his capital amid rc'Joicing-s
and illuminations, and he could never Before liavo
entered it with such pleasurable feeling^. It wouhl
have been happy for him if he had been blessed
with moderation, that he might have continued
to enjoy power so satisfactorily ; but the spirit of
ambition led him away, and his equivocal meastires
soon diminished his popularity. He, as well as
his brothers, had violated the family compact, and
the frequent changes and removals from authority
which had taken place proved it to be a fallacy.
The suspicious light in which Dost Mahomed Khan
was regarded by his brothers and relatives w^as
not lessened by his increase of power and moans
of injuring them, and henceforth we shall see how
justly he was dreaded, and how deliberately, but
determinedly he progressed in reducing them, and
following up his plans of aggrandizement.

The complete establishment of Dost hlahomed
Khan in authority, in the year 1827, produced no
instantaneous alteration in the distribution of tlu'
country. The loss of Kohat and Ilangu made it
necessary to provide for the sons of Samad Khan,
and Dost Mahomed Khdn not interesting himself
on their account, they fell to the care of Mahomed
„Zeman Khan, who conferred on Mahomed Osman
Khan the town of Balia Bagh, and on Sadii Khan
villages in the plain of Jelalabad.

THE VICTORIOUS SAIYAD.

.» *

In tlie year 1829 Saiyad Ahmed Shah, made
a serious attack on the Peshawer territory ; in his
progress he captured the killa, or fortress of Hund,
and Mahomed Khan, advancing *td’ recover it,
was surprised in a night attack, and slain. The
victorious saiyad, who was in communication with
Faizdlah Khan, Hazar Khani, a powerful zemindar
of Pesh£wer, entered the city, and for some days
held it. The chiefs retired to Khaihar. The saiyad
conducted himself moderately during his stay, dis-
cussing religious points with the mhllas, and con-
vincing them that he was not a Wahabi, as, it would
seem, they had accused him of being. To others
he unbosomed himself, and regretted that he had
not seized Kabal, to have served as a point diappui
to his operations. With the fugitive sirdars he
opened negotiations, and they readily agreed to
any terms proposed, having no intention of ful-
filling them. It was arranged, that the saiyad should
retire, leaving an agent at Peshawer to receive one
lakh of rupees. Faizfilah Khan, and all others, were
to be respected, who had sided with the saiyad,
and the sird^s, as good Mussulmans, were to assist
him in his future struggles with the Sikhs. The
sirdars re-entered their city, and a few days after
slew the saiyad’s agent and Faizulah Khan. The
latter, on quitting the darb&, received his first
wound from the hand of Pir Mahomed Khan, tl,ie
younger of the sirdars. The preparations of the
saiyad to avenge these perfidious acts, compelled

RETREAT OF THE SAIYAD.

applications to Dojt Mahomed Khan and to Lahore
for assistance. As the integrity of the Peshawer
territory had been impaired, Dost Mtthomed Khdn
sent the Nawub Jabar Khan and Habib fJlah Khan,
with their troops, to assist his brothers. ' The Sikhs
also, whose interest did not accord with the occu-
pation of Peshawer by the saiyad, ordered a force
to cross the Atak. Some skirmishing hajipened
in the Yusaf Zai districts, and the cam])aign termi-
nated by the reti-eat of the saiyad and the reeovi'i-y
of Killa Hund. The Nawab Jabar Khan returned
to Kabal, and Habib Ulah Khan remained at Pe-
shawer. Dost MOiomed Khan was glad of an
opportunity to resume the revenues of Ids nephew.
This impetuous youth had attached to him eight
hundred very dissolute, but resolute cavalry. Tlu‘
excesses committed by him and them at Peslniwer
were so extraordinary that on many (x'casions
the shops of the city were shut up, as in a time
of siege. The sirdars, perplexed how to deal witli
him, at length, by stratagem, prevailed upon him
to leave the city, when, finding that it was not.
the intention to re-admit him, he took the road of
LMpura, the town of the Momand thief Sfuhit
Khan. Here he remained two or three months
a compulsory aird unwelcome guest, and having-
gutted the town, proceeded up the valley of delu-
la|)ad. Mahomed Zeman Khan fled at his ap])roa(‘h,
and repaired to Kabal, imploring assi.stance from
Dost Mdhomed Khan. This chief smiled, and

^ DISCOMFITURE OF JABAR KHAN. 81

thought he might dispense with territory, if unable
to protect it. Habib Ulah* did not occupy the
residence of Mahomed Zeman Khan at Jelalabad,
but passing the town, fixed himself about a mile
beyond it, at the castle of Jehdn Nemahi, belonging
to Mirza Aga Jan, one of the ministers. Here
he and his men lived at free quarters upon the
country. They were allowed some time to pursue
their profligate career unmolested, that the people
might be well surfeited, and that the measure in
contemplation by Dost Mahomed Khan might stand
excused. When the time came, he sent Mahomed
Zeman Khan back with troops, and having tam-
pered with Habib Ulah’s followers, they came over
in a body, and were received^ into service. The
Nawab Jab^ Khfin was entrusted with the charge
of an expedition to the S^i valley of Taghow. On
entering the valley he was surprised in an evening
attack by Mazdlah, the principal of the petty Ma-
leks, and so complete was the panic produced that
the troops fled, abandoning their equipage and the
two guns they had brought with them. The Nawab
was the last man to mount, but neither his en-
treaties nor. example could arrest the fugitives.

Dost Mahomed Khdn conceived that it behoved
him to reduce M^ulah and to recover his guns.
He accordingly, in 1831, marched in person towards
Taghow, It is asserted that the Nawab Jabar
Khin was willing that the failure of his brother’s
enterprise should extenuate the* reproach attaching

VOL. HI.

DOST MAHOMED AT TAGHOW.

to liis own ; and that his letters, encouraging Mei-
ztilah to resistance, were intercepted. The uawMi’s
friends aflinn, that his seal was forged. Dost Mji-
homed Khan pntered Taghow, and reduc^'d the ))rin-
cipal castles, while the jisalclns of his brotlu'r, Amir
Mahomed Khiln, scoured the valley. Mjizuhih was
ultimately induced, on the guarantee of Ilaji Khan
and the good Mussulmans in camp, to pay hi.s re-
spects to Dost Mahomed Khan, and he engage<i,
while paying a certaiir sum down, to remit annual
tribute. The abandoned guns were restored. IMii-
zulah Khan was one of the men feared by Dost
Mahomed Khc\n. He was not a great man, l>ut
one that dared to act : and at certain time's t'xample
is contagious. Mazulah Khan afterwards visited
Kabal, but under such guarantees that his person
was respected. Had he again come he would have
repented his confidence. Dost Maliomcd Khan,
in his anxiety to be ridden of him, oHer<'d a rt'ward
of three thousand rupees to the ])er.son who wouhl
slay him. The reward was falsely claimed ; and
Dost Mahomed Khan was .so overjoyt'd that he
paid the money without satisfying himself that
the applicant was entitled to it. Some tinu^ after
Mazulah^ was slain by a man, who caitu> laughing
up to him, and presented his musket ; the wretch
was cut down on the spot. It was lu'ver ascc'r-
tained by whom, if by any one, lie had bet'n insti-
giited to commit the murder of his chief.

Aftet the submission of Muzulah and Taghow

DESIGNS ON JELALABAD.

Dost Mahomed Khan marched to Lughman, an& it
became revealed that he had desigms upon JelalabM.
Mahomed Zeman Khan, previously informed there-
of, had appMed to the chiefs of Peshiiv^r for assis-
tance, and they, regarding the captm-e of Jelalab^d
as the first step to the prosecution of the Kabal
chief’s machinations against themselves, determined
to give it, and marched with all haste to BishbuMk
in the valley of Jelalabad, but under the shelter of
the Khaibar hills. . As the affair was a family one,
the Nawab Jabar Khan, M^omed Osman Khan,
and others, became implicated in the league to
support Mahomed Zeman Khan. At the approach
of the Kabal foi-ce Mahomed Zeman Khan retired
across the river, followed by Dost M£iomed Khan.
A day of skirmishing passed, and on the morrow,
when Dost Mahomed Khan had resolved to bring
on a decisive action, the Nawab Jabar Khan and his
party flatly refused to mount, or take part in it.
Paralyzed, and ignorant how far the combination
in his camp extended, while threatened by a junc-
tion of the Jelalabad and Peshawer troops. Dost
Mahomed Khan felt himself powerless. The Na-
wab Jabar Kh4n now assumed the part of a me-
diator and composer of differences, an office jof.which
he is so fond that it is jocularly i;pmarked, he pro-
motes difficulties for the pleasure of adjusting them.
He had, however, to experience that mediators rfay
not always be acceptable to all parties, and that
while setting to rights the affmrs of others they

THE NAWAB’S arrangements.

may endanger their own. Willing to preserve Ma-
homed Zeman Kli^n,' he did not wish to destroy
Dost Mahomed Khan, and therefore by not enter-
ing fully into -the views of the Peshawer«chiefs, who
thought the opportunity a good one of reducing him
to insignificance, he oftended them as well aS Ma-
homed Zemin Khan. Dost Mahomed Khan was,
of course, irritated that he was deterred from seizing
a prey within his grasp. By the Nawab Jabar
Khan’s skilful arrangement the invasion was con-
sidered a friendly visit, and the firing that had
taken place a few feu de joies upon the occasion.
Mahomed Zemin Khan w^as to present his guest,
Dost Mahomed Khan, with forty thousand rupees
as mihmani, or entertainment fee. The Kabul and
Peshawer troops were respectively to retire. Ma-
homed Zemin Khan regretted his money; the Pe-
shawer chiefs w^ere enraged that they had been
put to inconvenience and expense to no purpose,
while Dost Mahomed Khin was indignant at having
been baffled. The Kabul chief, hou’ever, intent
upon drawing as much advantage as he could from
the aftair, pretended contrition that he had marched
upon. Jelalabid, and pleaded in excuse his having
listened -to bad counsels. He in some meastire re-
stored confidence -to Mahomed Zemin Khan, and at
length, with his owm hand, WTote a series of dread-
ful imprecations on himself, if ever he wrested Jela-
labad from him, on a leaf of the chiefs Koran.
He, and his brother, Amir Mahomed Khan, both

LOSES HIS GOVERNMENT. 86

put their seals to this delectable document. Hav-
ing for the moment lulled tlie suspicions of Ma-
homed Zem^n Khan, he returned to Mbal, and
informed th^ Nawdb Jabar Kh^, that,having heard

his mal-administration of
e 1 ji districts, he was necessitated to transfer
them to Amir Mahomed Kh^ to bring them into
order. In this manner the Nawib lost his govern-
The conditions of the treaty of Ghazni, as to
remittance of the Loghar revenue, had never been
tulhlled, and the subsequent death of Ftir Dil Kh4n
rendered the Kabal chief very easy as to any future
embarrassment from Kandah&. The deceased sir-
dar, while unpopular from a certain repulsive man-
ner, was clever, and equal to business, which none
f his remaining brothers were. The confusion into
whicA their affairs soon fell made them disliked
by all closes; and Dost MShomed Khan was not
displeased at the accounts which from time to time
reached Kabal of their tyranny and mismanage-

I have now narrated some of the leading erents
m the cmeer of Dost Maomed Kh«n np to the

Kdbal. tts oonrse, it will not fail to be noted,
had teen a smgnlar one. Possessing a rariety of
talents, without principle, he had foiled his com-
^trtors, and derated himself to power, the grea't '
object of his ambition. To attempt to delineate

86 CHAEACTEE OF DOST MAHOMED.

the" character of a man who has none, would be
ridiculous. He was "good or bad as it suited his
conceived interests. Still, the qualities which lie
derived from jiature, or acquired in inteveoarse with
the world, did not constitute him a great man, — the
former w'ere not such as rendered him capable of
an act of genei’osity, the latter were not such as
permitted him to repose confidence in any human
being. Dost Mahomed Khmr might have an ac-
complice, he could never have a friend ; and his
power, erected on the basis of fraud and overreach-
ing, "was always liable to be destroyed by the same
weapons. Many of his vices and errors were, un-
doubtedly, those of his countrymen, and of circum-
stances. His fortune had placed him in an age in
which honesty could scarcely thrive. Had he been
horn to legitimate pow’er he would have figured
very respectably ; his talents would have had a fair
field for their developement and exercise, and he
would have been spai’ed the commission of many
enormities, then unnecessary. It has been remark-
ed, that he never acted wantonly, or pt>rpet rated
mischief for the mei’e sake of mischief, and that lie
was open to shame, but it was doubtful whetluT for
having c^one evil or because he had gaine<l nothing
by it. It is fair to notice the conduct of Dost
MOaomed Khan in his new capacity of supremo
chief of Kabal, especially as it did him much credit
in many I’espects. From his youth upwards he
had been dissipated, and prone to all the vices of

i , I

HIS TALENTS FOR BUSINESS. 87

the country. Master of Klibal^ he abjured Mine
and other unlawful pleasures. The chief of the
community, it was due that his example should not
be questioned. Of his application aisd ’aptitude for
business thSre could be but one opinion. He had
been xmeducated ; he now felt the evil ; and by an
effort, which required considerable resolution at his
age, overcame the neglect of his youth. He learned
to read and to wn-ite. In all matters where no
political questions had foi'ce he was fair and im-
partial, and free from haughtiness ; and accessible
to all classes. Vigilant in the administration of the
country, crimes became few. People ceased to
commit them, conscious they should be called to
account. There can be no doubt but that at this
time KS,bai was flourishing : stranger as I was, and
observing the visible content and comfort that pre-
vailed, I could not but have attributed it to the equal
rule of Dost Mahomed Khan ; but I had afterwards ■

to learn that so much good might be owing to other
causes than his justice or care for the welfare of
his subjects.

In the month of June accounts reached Kabal
of the intention of the ex-king, Shah Stijah al
Mulkh, to sally forth from his asylum at Lu-
diana, and to attempt to re-establish himself in
sovereignty at Kabal. The expression of sentiment
this news brought forth proved, at least, that the
people, if they had no fair cause of complaint against
their actual chief, were not averse to a change in

VARIOUS COUNSELS,

rule. It necessarilj produced much solicitude in the
mind of Dost Mdhomed Khan, particularly as, al-
though he did not avow it, he must have suspected
the ex-king to be about to move unde'f the sanc-
tion, if not with the support, of the British Govern-
ment of India. It is subject for discussion, whether
it was politic or honourable to permit an expelled
king to organise armaments in British territory.
Dost Mdhomed Khan, on first hearing the report,
exclaimed, '' I have not money to march an army ;
the inclinations of the Ghulam Khana are well
known. I have but a few Afghans I can depend
upon.” Mirza Sami Khdn, Haji Khan, the Khfin
Mulla Saifadin Kh^, and others, urged upon Dost
Mahomed Khan the necessity of assuming royalty,
as well to enter the field on equal terms, with
respect to rank, with his antagonist, as to obviate
a conviction, prevalent amongst Afghans, that those
who fall under the banners of a padshali, or legi-
timate monarch, may hope for the rewards of mar-
tyrdom, and which may not be so certainly expt'cted
by those who perish under other auspices. The
sirdar’s relatives universally and vehemently oj)-
posed the project; and influenced somewhat by
their pertinacity, and perhaps as much by the*
knowledge that the people in general treated the
affair with ridicule, it was abandoned. Dost hlfi-
„ homed Khan observing, that it was inconsistent
in one who had no money to become a king.

,In the month of August, Atmfir, the Hindu

1 ^

VISIT OF MIR ALAM KHAN. 89

Diw^n of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg, the Uzbek
chief of Ktinduz, reached Kabal on a mission.

He brought as presents twenty-'feeven horses and
twelve sh^ep, besides cloths, &c. His ’avowed ob-
jects were ’with reference to the movements of
the Persians in Khorasan, and the announced ex-
pedition of the ex-king, Shhh Sujah al Mulkh ;
to conclude a treaty, oiFensive and defensive, be-
tween Dost Mdhomed Khan and his master, to
be cemented by family alliances. The Kunduz
chief would engage to furnish, w'hen called upon,
seven thousand cavalry. There were many who ♦
suspected that the Diwdn was merely sent to as-
certain thoroughly the state of aiFairs at Kabal.

That he intrigued with many persons, particularly
with Haji Khan, under orders for Bisut and Ba-
mian, is certain. No one was more indignant
than the khan at the bare mention of an Uzbek
alliance ; and Dost Mahomed Kh^, purposing, if
opportunity permitted, at some future time to visit
Kunduz, excused himself from benefiting by the
condescension of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg, of
which he was unworthy.

A few days after the Diwdn’s arrival Dost Md-
homed Khan received a visitor of more distinc-
tion in Mir Alam Khan, the chief of Bajor.

When foiled in his attempt to secure JelalabM
in the winter, the Kabal chief threatened to pro-
ceed to Bajor ; his purpose ^as diverted by the
receipt of a sum of money, some ten or twelve

90 MIR ALAM KHAN’S DAUGHTER.

thousand rupees, and the promise of Mir Alam
Khdn to come to I^abal. He now fulfilled it,
but under every ''precaution for his security. Ma-
homed Zenfan- Khan from .Telalabiid preceded him
a few days, and he received the joint g-uarantees
of Mirza Sami Khfin, the Nawabs Jabar Khun
and Mahomed Zemfui Khan, Haji Khan, and Kluin
Sherin Khlln. He was numerously attended, and
his train, a select one, was well mount('d and ap-
pareled. Dost Mahomed Khan received him n ith
great respect, and lodged him in his own jtalaet'.
The Bajor chief, it appeared, had sent a daughter,
very young, to the Vazir Fati Khan, who intended
her for one of his sons. The maiden had gTown
up, and was now residing with the wivt'S of Dost
Mahomed Khan. It was proposed to give her
to one of the chiefs sons; to which .Mir Alam
Khan, looking upon the daughter as lost to him,
consented. The Bajor chief remained some day.s
a guest, and although treated with civility, joy-
fully took his departure, inwardly determiiu'd never
again to trust himself in the power of Dost Ma-
homed Khan. Bajor was a country much covetial
by the sirdai*, and was the immediate advantage'
he calculated upon from the possession of .lela-
labad. Besides giving him the command of the
plains of Peshawer, and putting him in commu-
nication with the fanatical tribes of the mountain-
ous regions between it and Kashmir, from its
remote situation and great natural strength, it

REPORTS IN THE CITY. 91

would admirably serve as a stronghold and place
of refuge in case of a reVers'e of fortune. The
distractions of the Durani chiefs had permitted
the chiefs of Bajor to lapse into a ipeeies of inde-
pendence. « Mir Alam Khan, on discovering that
Dost Mahomed Khdn had designs against his terri-
tory, had connected himself with the brother chiefs
of Peshawer, who cordially united themselves with
him, justly considering the preservation of his coun-
try essential to the security of their own.

Numerous were the reports which, during the
autumn, wei*e circulated in the city relative to
Khorasan and Shah Sujih al Mulkh’s proceed-
ings. It was also a current bazar report that
the sirdar intended to seize Hajf Khan. In pro-
cess of time, however, that chief started on his
expedition to Bisut and Bamidn, as I have related
in the preceding volume.

CHAPTER V.

Besearches. — Mound. — Discoveries. — Tuz4eaf manuscripts. ~
Images. — Conjectures. — Antiquity of manuscripts. ~ Alarm
of friends. — Intercourse with Mahomed Akbar Klmn. — His
sensible observations. — Anecdote of Mr. Moorcroft. — Dr. Gerard's
sculpture. — Excursions. — Beturn of Haji Khin.^ — His reception.
— Haji Khan's visit to Kdndiiz. — Hospitality of Mir MMiomed
Morad Beg. — Bevolt in BMakshan. — Haji Khan's Alima. —
Treaty with Mdhomed Morad Beg. — Bahmatiilah Beg's replies.
— Disposal of D6h Zanghi captives. — Rahmatulah Beg's parting
remark. — Release of Mir Yezdanbaksh’s relatives. — Haji Khan's
hints to them — Haji Khan's projects. — Samander Khan.**—
Dost Mahomed Khan's discretion. — Haji Khan's final detenni*
nation. — Dost Mdhomed Khan's reproaches. — Haji Khan's
retort. — Entertainment of elchls and chiefs. — Theft. — Dost
Mdhomed Khl,n's sarcastic counsel- — Haji Khan discharges
his followers. — His imputed design. — Hussen Kiuin. — - Haji
Khan's remark. — Movements of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg. —
Fate of Mahomed All Beg. — Abdulah Khfm.

Having now resided a year without interniptioiii
and in perfect security, in the country, 1 was em-
boldened io essay whether objections would be
made to the examin|ttioii of some of the numerous
artificial mounds on the skirts or the hills. I was
unable to direct my attention to the massive topes,
where considerable expense wm required ; still,
the inferior indicatimis of the olden time miirht

' cl

DISCOVERIES. 93

repay the labour bestowed upon them, and by ’test-
ing the feeling which my’ excavations created I
might smooth the way for the time when I should
be in condition to undertake the guperior monu-
ments. Without asking permission of any one,
I commenced an operation upon a mound at the
skirt of the hill Koh Takht Shah, separated by a
spur from the Zi^at Panjah ShMi Mirddn. It was
at the entrance of a little khol, or glen, called
Khol Shams, where was a spring and a few trees.
The spot I had often visited with picnic paities.
Below, or east of it, was a castle and garden, belong-
ing to Akhiind Iddaitulah, already introduced in
the narrative of my Bamihn excursion. I had
become acquainted with his sons, who interested
themselves to forward my researches. The mound
was composed of two stages, the lower and superior
one being garnished with caves. In the centre of
the upper one. was a circular hollow, supposed by
my friends to have been a hous, or reservoir of
water. These caves had been visited by the in-
mates of the castle, and from one of them a cop-
per lamp had been brought, now in the possession
of the Akhund. I obtained from them specimens
of the unbaked bricks which had been epiployed in
the construction of the mound. , They were sixteen
inches square, with a depth of six inches. On one
side was the impression of a hand, on the other that
of a figure, or character, 4. Tradition ascribes the
locality to Zakom ShAh, an'^bpponent of Hazrat

TUZ-LEAF MANUSCRIPTS.

AM, and therefore does not throw mucli light upon
it. In the course of four or five days we discover-
ed, nearly at one nf the angles of the mound, a tak,
or arched resie^s, ornamentally carved, and sup])ort-
ed by two slender pillars. In it we foiwid the re-
mains of several earthen images ; the heads of the
two larger ones only were sufficiently entire to bear
removal. They were evidently of female figiu'es,
and of very regular and handsome features. Af-
fected by moisture, which had natin*ally in the
course of centuries completely pervaded the mound,
and everything of mere earth contained within it,
we could yet from slight traces ascertain that the
figures had been originally covered with layers of
white and red paint, and that over the latter
had been placed a surface of gold leaf. The hair
of the heads, tastefully airanged in curls, had been
painted with an azure colour. The recess also
had been embellished with gold leaf and lapis lazuli
tints. Accompanying the figures were a variety
of toys, precisely such as the Hindus make at the
present day, and in no better taste, rei (resenting
horses, sheep, cows &c., of cement. The more
important discovery remained. At the base of the
recess were hevm stones ; and on their removal we
found jammed in hstween them Naguri writings,
on tdz leaf. Their position, which had clearly been
adopted with a view to their preservation, had Tiot
secured them from the consequences of natural
decay and the all-penStrating damp.

The chai-aeters on many of the fragmental masses
"weie very distinct and legible. *It now occurred to
me, that an examination of the ccyresponding angle
of the mound might lead to similar ^results; our
labours did,not substantiate the notion. We next

opened the pile between the two angles, and it soon
became evident that the space had been filled by
a suite of small apartments. Some of these we
cleared out In one of them, which had been
crowned with a dome, we found several images, of
different proportions, but one of them eight or ten
feet in length. They were all of pure earth, and
had been covered with gold leaf, and were lyino- ho-
rizontally. My Mahomedan companions amused
themselves in scraping it off, but the images were
so saturated that it was impossible even to develope
one of them perfectly. In another apartment, which
had been alike decorated with mouldings, and paint-
ed with white, red, and azure colours, we found
three earthern lamps, an iron nail, and one or two
fragments of iron. Pieces of charcoal were abund-
ant, and occasionally a few bones were brouo-ht to
light, with pieces of red and black pottery; the
latter of good fabric,

I ha™ been particuta- in detailing tlie resnits
here, aa they are those lihety to be obtained in the
examination of the numerous artificial mounds
which everywhere in these countries arrest atten-
tion, and which have no doubt a common chamcter. '
cou d not forbear the conjecture that the spot had

antiquity of manuscripts.

been purposely filled up with earth, which indeed
was evident, or tha't it^might have been so filled up
at some crisis wh«n the toirent of invasion was roll-
ing upon EAbal, and it was judged nypessary to
conceal the temples and funereal loeaIi(;ies to pre-
serve them from desecration. The fragments of
writing elicited have a degree of value, since the
researches of Mr. Prinsep have arranged, in a tabu-
lar form, the Nc%ari characters in use at various
epochs. For our own we cannot claim a very high
antiquity. If our preceding surmises have founda-
tion, the locality may have been abandoned and
concealed at the inroad of Sabakteghm Khan, the
founder of the Ghaznavl dynasty.

My researches became the subject of conversation
in the city, and the son of Akhund Iddaitiilali hav-
ing sold the gold leaf he scraped from the images to
a goldsmith, for something less, I believe, than a
rupee, my friends prayed me to desist from smdi
labours in future, urging that tlie country was bad,
as were the people, and that I should probably get
into trouble. I smiled as I essayed to console my
friends, and to point out that little notice would be
taken of me so long as broken idols were the fruits
of my pi’oceedings.

Mahomed Akbfir Khfin, son of Dost Mtihomed
Khdn, hearing of my discoveries, sent for me, and
wished to see them. He was enraptured with the
two female heads, and lamented that the ideal beau-
ties of the sculptor '■could not be realized iii nature.

ANECDOTE OF MR. MOORCROFT. 97

♦

From this time a kind of acqn^iintance subsisted
between us, and the young sird^ would frequently
send for me. I became a pretty constant visitor at
his tea-table, and procured from him* an order, ad-
dressed to the several maleks and chiefs of the Ko-
histan and Ghorband, to assist me in any researches
I might undertake in those districts, of which the
sirdar was then hakam, or governor. I was as
much gratified as surprised to witness the good
sense displayed by the young sirdar as to the nature
of my researches, and their object. He remarked
to those about him, who suggested that I might be
seeking treasure, that my only purpose was to ad-
vance science, which would lead to my credit on my
return to my native country ; and he observed, that
while amongst Dur&iis the soldier was held in ho-
nour, amongst Europeans respect was paid to men
of “ illam,” or science. At one of these majlisses,
or conversations, when the subject of topes was dis-
cussed, a person related that he had attended Moor-
croft Sahib on his visit to Darunta, and that while
inspecting the monuments there a coin was brought,
to which the sahib applying his glass, observed,

“ Now I understand the meaning of the topes.”

My intercourse with the sird^ allayed the appre-
hensions of my friends, and encouraged me to con-
tinue fearlessly my researches. I was always of
opinion that no umbrage would be taken, and felt
assured, that if I acted openly and fairly I should be
fairly dealt with. Nothing farther, of consequence,

VOL. in. H

98 EXCURSIONS.

was extracted frojn tlie mound; but I may here
observe, although anticipating the period, that at
the close of autumn of this year, when Dr. Ge-
rard arrived In Kabal, I pointed out the spot to
him as one likely to yield some token which he
was desirous to possess and to carry with him to
India. From it he obtained the marble sculptured
slab forwarded to the Asiatic Society in Bengal, an
account of which, by his munshi and companion,
Mohan Lil, appeared in the Journal of the Society
for September 1834.

During the preceding year I had made pedes-
trian excursions within a circuit of six miles around
the city ; I now felt that I could securely extend
them, and my steps were first directed towards the
Koh Daman and Kohist^. With one attendant, I
made trips on foot in succession to Shakr Dara, to
Ferzah, to Istalif, and at length had pushed onwards
as far as Charikar. My intention in the.se trips
was not so much to examine deeply into the state
and antiquities of the districts as to feel rny way,
and to become acquainted. To a stranger, like my-
self, and travelling without tent or retinue, there is
difiiculty in procuring a house to pass the night in,
unless, iifdeed, the masjit be taken as quarters. To
pass the night without is neither safe nor .seemly.
I had succeeded in forming acquaintances at all the
stage villages between Kabal and Cdumkar, not
only on one road, bgit on all the several roads lead-
ing between them, and was certain whenever I

RETURN OF HAJI KHAN.

dropped in at any of them to be received with
civility.

June opened with cloxidy and \vindy weather.
On the 8th and 9th slight earthquake# were expe-
rienced. Thfey were both accompanied by a rolling
rumbling noise. On the 12th my old friend Ilaji
Khan arrived at KS,bal. He scattei'ed money
amongst the populace, and proceeded straight to
' the sirdar’s palace. His solemn intonation of Salam
alikam was duly responded to by Dost Mdhonied
Khan, who took his hand and led him into his
haram, where he introduced the long absent khan
to his favourite wife, the mother of Mahomed Ak-
hkr Khan, telling her that her baba (hither) had
returned. On the next morning the bciba was in-
formed that his jaedad of Bmnian was transferred to
the sirdar’s son, Mahomed Haidar Khan, and that
he should receive^ annually the equivalent of its
revenue in money.

It may not be improper to narrate briefly, in this
place, the proceedings of the khan after I left inm
at Bamian. I have shown that he was in eoniinu-
nication with Mir Mahomed Moriid Beg of Kuiiddz.
His means of subsistence appear to have failed him,
and he decided upon becoming the guest of tlm
mir. Tp appease the clamours of his sohlit^ry for
pay, and to relieve them from any solicitude' a.s to
their families at Kabal, he directed letters to bo
prepared, which he read to thenft^ purporting to lie
from their connexions in the city, and stating, that

100 MIR MAHOMED MORAD BEG.

by the khan’s orders his agent there had paid them,
severally, certain sums of money. To amuse them
farther, he announced his intention to build a city,
also to break up the two idols, one of which, he
affirmed, was full of diamonds, the other of rubies,
citing, as a matter of course, the well-known story
of Sultan Mahmdd. Finally, unable to remain
longer at Bamidn, where he apparently lingered as
long as possible, mistrustful perchance of the untried
soil of Turkistan, he distributed eleven pais to each
soldier, and started for Kunddz. He took the road
of S%han and Kahmerd. The hospitality of the
Kunduz chief was unbounded. At every stage pro-
visions of all descriptions were supplied in profu-
sion, nor were luxuries omitted. Tea and sugar
were served out to the Afghan soldiery, and the
mir’s officers wearied themselves in running from
tent to tent to see that no want remained unsatis-
fied. On nearing Kunduz it was found that a
road had been made across the marshes and rice-
lands which environ the town, expressly for the
passage of the khan and his troops. Mir iMahomcd
Morad Beg was suddenly called away to suppress a
revolt at Faizabfid of Badakshan. Haji Khan in-
sisted, a point of honour, upon accompanying him.
The Afghans could not keep pace with the rapid
movements of the Uzbeks. They followed, and
reached Faizabad after its capture. The mir, on
arrival, carried th^ place by assault, consigned the
inhabitants to slavery, and their chief, Mir Yar
Beg Khan, to a dungeon.

TWO ZEALOUS MUSSULMANS. 101

The khan, conscious of the Mussulmani tendency
of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg, had prepared to
appear before him to advantage. He had converted
many of his domestics into muftis, k|zi§, akhiinds,
mullas, &c.,» and had surrounded himself with a
powerful alima. In all conversations ■ with the
Uzbek chief this gang of impostors was present,
and the khan, constantly referring to the mufti
sfihib or to the kdzi sahib, feigned neither to speak
or to act but in consonance with the prescriptions
of the Koran. The intercourse between two such
zealous Mussulmans must have been delightful.
The kh^n sojourned at Kunduz as long as his stay
was agreeable ; and I have heard that Mir Mihomed
Morad Beg repented of having, as he expressed it,
shown the Afgh^s his country. The visit had,
however, proved profitable to the khin in more
senses than one, and he had received at sundry
times from Diwfin Atmar, and it may be supposed
with the mir’s cognizance, thirty-five^ thousand ru-
pees. During his stay he had negotiated a treaty
with the chief, by which Kahmerd, Seghan, and Ajer,
were annexed to the government of Bamifin, and
he left Kunduz, no doubt having impressed Mir
Mahomed Morad Beg with the convictioji that he
had secured a powerful and steady friend at Kibal.
On reaching Kahmerd, on his return, he wished
Rahmatulah Beg to put away one of his wives,
to renounce wine, and to become a Mussulman.
Rahmatuiah asked, how he could discard a woman

102 DISPOSAL OF CAPTIVE CHIEFS.

■who had lived with him thirty years, and who had
borne him many " children. As to wine, he said,
that Killich Ah'" Beg had licensed him to drink it.
The khan "could not lay hands upon the property
of the Kahmerd chief wdth any propriety on this
occasion, and was reluctantly obliged to forego it.
He, however, had procured from him a large quan-
tity of grain, on the pretence of payment, which he
was inclined to have forgotten. It was urged, that
such conduct would be disreputable, and suggested
that a good opportunity presented itself of disposing
of the captive Deh Zanghi chiefs, who would be
gladly received by Rdhmatulah in place of money.
They were accordingly made over to him, and he
told the poor wretches that they should be liberated
in exchange for a certain number of female slaves.
Rahmatulah Beg accompanied the khan to the crest
of the kotal leading from Ins valley into that of
Seghan, and after taking leave of him, turned to
his mirza and said, “He has taken my son with
him, but if the next year he crosses this kotal you
may shave my beard, and tell me tluit 1 am no
man.” At Bamian the khan w'as joined by elchis
from Bokhcira, Khulm, Kunduz, Shibrghan, 6ce. In
his camji were the chief of Ajer, and tlu^ sons of
the chiefs of Kahmerd and S%hdn. lie had as-
sembled a goodly party of diplomatists and vassal
chieftains, and had done no little business, but un-
fortunately without instructions or authority. It
is most probable lhat the khki would have been

HINTS OF HAJI KHAN.

103

better pleased to have remained at Bamian tllan
to have returned to Kabal, ‘but* he had no altei-
native, and had received no satisfactory accounts
of Shah S^jah al Mulkh’s progress. He therefore
released the^ relatives of Mir Yezdanbaksh, until
now detained in bonds, and significantly told them
that the death of the mir and their treatment was
owing to the orders he received from K^bal, and
that now they would show if they were men or
not. Mir Abbas, the principal, took the hint, and
began to plunder kafilas. At Sir Chishma the
khan still had scruples as to whether he should go
on to Kabal, and sent to the city for a sum of
money and some hundred sets of horse-shoes. The
circumstance was reported to Dost Mahomed Khan,
who, without comment, ordered both money and
horse-shoes to be expedited. The chance is, that
he would have been very glad if the khAn had
made off. This singular man is accused at this
time of having meditated the plunder of a kafila
which had accompanied his party from Bamian, and
then to have gained Toba, whence he might, as con-
venient, proceed to meet Shah Sujah al Mulkh, or
form new arrangements. It was known that the
shah had been joined by Samandar Khan, Popal Zai,
therefore the place of dignity with the prince had
been occupied, and Haji Khan would not have been
content to have played a subordinate part. The
junction of Samandar Kh^ was, in another point
of view, obnoxious, as some yeaTs since when con-

104

HAJI KHAN’S RESOLVE.

nected with the sirdars of Kandahar, and holding
the government of S^vi, the kh^n had wajiaid, be-
tween Peshing ;ind Shall, a near relative of the
Popal Zai Sirdar, and had either slain him or had
delivered him" to the Kandahilr chiefs, to be slain.
These accidents may have deprived the shah at
this period of the services of Hdji Khan, Khaka.
During his absence the wary Dost Mahomed Khan
had uttered no expression which, reported, could
have been interpreted as conveying the notion that
he had any suspicions of his governor’s designs. At
various times he sent purses of two thousand and
one thousand rupees to his family, inquired courte-
ously after their necessities, and lamented that the
khan had exposed himself to privations. Many
people in darbar would state openly that the khan
was in rebellion, but this was vehemently protested
against by Mirza Sami Khan and the Khan Mulla*
the latter asserting that he was too good a hlussul-
man ever to be “yaghi,” or rebellious. On the
khM a reaching Arghandi he cut short hie donbte
md mental deliberations by exclaiming that he ivoa
r , ^ ®“^™oured of the very eyes of Dost Ma-
omed Khan Leaving his troops and companions
to follow at their discretion, he galloped off towards

receuT^’ bj a select few. His arrival and

reception have been noted.

toke of Deet Mahomed Khto, reduced the Khaka
lef to comparatife insignificance, and paralyzed

RECRIMINATIONS. 106

him for the moment. It would also compel &m
to disband his numerous foils wefs, whom he could
no longer subsist, and an object of consequence to
the sirdar -was gained without the ungracious al-
ternative 0]^ a peremptory order. ^The khlin, by
sitting on the gillam to receive the fatihas of his
friends on account of the decease of his brother,
Gul Mahomed Khan, was relieved for some days
, from the mortification of presenting himself at
darbdr, and had an opportunity to consult secretly
with his supporters on his future line of conduct.
When he eventually renewed attendance upon the
sirdar, he assumed a high tone. The sirdar up-
braided him with the murder of Yezdanbaksh.
Haji Khdn asked, if it had not been committed
under his orders. “ No,” said Dost Mfihomed Khdn,
“ I never told you to take seven false oaths, and
afterwards to kill the man. I continually wrote
to you to give him an abundance of khelats, to
secure him, and bring him to Kabal, when, after
some time, I would have behaved handsomely to
him, and have released him.” The khan retorted,
that it was singular the sirdar should reproach
any one on the score of taking false oaths, and
inquired how he had inveigled and slain the chiefs
of the Kohistan. The sirdar answered, by illam
bazi, or dexterity, for he had sent logs of wood and
not Korans.

' The entertainment of the several elcMs and chiefs
brought by the khfin was a subject of consideration.

106 TREATMENT OF A THIEF.

The sird& did not look upon them as commissioned
to himself, and declared that he had no intention to
put himself to apy expense. The elchi from Bok-
hdra was handed over to Badradhi, one of the most

eminent merchants of the city, \yhose, commercial
transactions with Bokhara wmuld induce luTn, un-
willingly, or otherwise, to attend to the stray en-
voy’s kidmat. The elchi from Mir Miiliomcd J\Io-
r£d Beg, and the chiefs of Seghan and Ajer, with
the son of R^matulah Beg, being peculiarly the
guests of Haji Kh^, were left by the sirdar to his
care. While Dost MOiomed Khan did not ac-
knowledge these people, he did not refuse to accept
the presents they brought. Amongst those from
Mir Mahomed Morad Beg were four noble }'aks of
Badakshan.

In course of time the Kundiiz elclii discovered,
to his consternation, that his purse had been carri-
ed off. On scrutiny, the theft was traced to the
servant of Haji Khan, wdio brought the morning
and evening meals for the elehfs party. Tlu^ khan
bound his servant, and sent him to Dost JMahomtfd
Khan, W'ho declined to notice the atfair, oliserving,
that the guests are Haji Khan’s : so is the robber,
let him act as he pleases. The kluin himself re-
paired to the sirdar, urging, that it behovi'd him
to punish the man. The sirdiir did not think so,
and said, “ Deliver him to the Uzbeks ; they may
sell him, and make something by him.”

H^yi Khan for some time did not discharge his

HAJI KHAN DISMISSES HIS FOLLOWERS. 107

'.t

followers, perhaps hoping that he might have re-
covered Bamian ; at length *he 'was compelled to
do so, and his overgrown estahlisluaent was broken
up. This circumstance was hastened^ by the sirdar
ordering some of the Khaka retainers to quit the
Chehel Situn, a large apartment erected over one
of the towers of the Balia Hiss&, on the line of
wall extending from the Derwaza Shah Shehid,
, where Haji Khan had his house, to the palace.
It was pointed out to Dost Mahomed Khdn that
his discontented khan could at any time push his
men along the ramparts directly into his residence,
and that he was not secux’e. The demolition of
Chehel Situn was directed, and the sirdar put in
hand some precautionary erections at the point
where the palace was connected with the ram-
parts. One Nekho Mahomed had even reported
that he had become informed that some dark en-
terprize had been concerted. The Chehel Situn
had been built, in the reign of Shah Zeman, by Jdn
Nissar Khan, his governor of Kabal, that the prince
might enjoy the view from it.

The khdn sat very uneasy under his degradation,
but soon had an opportunity of entering into fresh
intrigues, from which he cherished the ^ hopes of
gratifying his revenge on the sirdm*, and of ad-
vancing his own ambitious views. Under the sir-
d&’s son, Mahomed Haidar Kh^, one Hussen
Khin, Shah Siwan, had been appointed naib, or
deputy governor of the Haz^ajat and Bamian.

108 ABDULAH KHAN.

Kh^ on tlie occasion told the sirdar that
he had placed an elephant’s load upon a jackass.

With this anecdote we shall leave the khdn for
the present; 9 bserving, that on the return of the
several elchis and petty chiefs to Turkistan, Mir
Mahomed Morad Beg resumed Kahmerd, Seghan,
and Ajer. He farther chapowed Seghan, and con-
signed its chief, All Mahomed, the father-in-law
of Haji Khan, to a dungeon.

During the winter, or while I Wiis absent with
the khan in Bisut, Abdulah Khan, the Atehak Zai
chief, who, as I have mentioned, had been seized
by the sirdars of Kandahar, was permitted by them
to proceed to Kabal. He came in company with
Ramazan Khlbn, Ohtak, alike discontented, and
was* courteously received by Dost Miihomed Khan.
To Abdblah Kh4n was assigned a j%hu- of sixty
thousand rupees per annum, and to Ramazan Khan
another of twenty thousand rupees per annum. Ab-
dulah Khan had little to recommend him beyond
being one of the few hereditary Dunuu sirdars
who had hitherto, having attached him.self to the
interests of the Barak Zai family, esca])ed from per-
secution by them. He was one of the friends of the
Sirdar Mahomed Azem Khan in Kashmir, and had
acquired an evil reputation for possessing wealth.
Now that he had been confined and i)ut to shame,
his reputation adhered to him, and he brought it
with him to Kabal.

■ ■ ■ ir*! ■ ■

109

CHAPTER VI-

Tour in Koh Ddman^ S^c. — NanacM. — Mirza Jafar Khan. — Kotal
Kers Khana. — Tumuli. — Killa Kohchian. — Nazir Mir All Khan.
— His conversation and travels. — Accident.— Shakr Dara. — Serai.
— Bizadi. — Bedak. — Kah Dara. — Zirgarin. — Cave. — Taluk of
Ferzah. — Sekandar Shah. — Persian Inscription. — Cascade. — Au-
riculas. — Killa Sh4hx, — Istalif. — Delightful view. — Ziarat Haz-
rat Eshan. — Azdha. — Orchards. — Taluk of Istdlif. — Mahomed
Shah Khan. — His capture of Kabal. — His death. — Bolend Khan.
— His execution.— 1st argitch. — Approach to Charikar. — Town of
Charikar. — Trade. — Destruction of Gurkha battalion. — Hiipian.
— Tutam Dara.' — Shesh Burjeh. — Application.— Octogenarian in-
valid. — Taviz.— Dost Mahomed Khan*s severity. — All Khan.—
His recommendations to his raiyats.— Canals. — River of Tui-
tam Dara.' — Conflict and surrender of Dost Mahomed Khan. —
Sultan Singh's garden. — History of Sultan Singh. — His rise. —
Plot of Mirza Imam Verdi. — Sultan Singh's adroitness. — Ha-
bib Ulah Khan's measures. — Sultan Singh’s state. — Seizes his
ancient employer. — Malek Isa Khan's proposal. — Sultan Singh
swallows poison. — Jah Nimahi. — Tope Dara. — Simplicity. —
Nekkak Perida. — Compass. — Fugitive of Hupian. — Seh Ydrin.
Ziarat Derwish. — Killa Khdrban. — Inhabitants of Chdrikdr.—
Shdhmak. — Sanjit Dara. — Mlthomed Jdfar Khan. — Killa Mir
Saiyad Khdn. — Kabal doctor. — Objects of excursion. — Killa Bo-
lend.— Plain of Begrdm. — Return. — Baloch Khdn.— Coins. —
Apprehensions of people. — Reports. — Killa Mdsa Khdn. — Ta-
tarangZar. — Kallakhdn.— Tope — Cheni Khana. — Killa Rajpdt.
— Kotal Mamd Khatdn. — Killa Iltafat Khan. — Kotal Pah
Mindr. — Return to Kabal.

110 NANACHI.

The return of Haji Klian had reproduced my old
companion Sirkerder Kamber, and I pr<)])osed to
him a lengthened excursion into Koh Daman and
Kohistan; "toc which he cheerfully consented. We
accordingly made our arrangements, and in hi.s com-
pany I stai-ted on the tour.

Passing Deh Afglnm, Kilhi Bolendi, and the vil-
lage of Baraki, we gained the scdgiiorial castle of
Nanachi, belonging to Mirza Jafar Khan, now aged
and blind, but once the coniidential mlrza of the
Vazir Fati Kh^. From wealth, ac(iuired in the
vazir’s service, the mirza has constructed three cas-
tles here, and has purchased a large tract of land.
Mirza Sami Khan, the present minister of Dost
Mummed Khan, married his daughter; and to this
alliance OAves in great measure his elevation ; in-
deed the blind mirza advanced his son-in-law the
sum of money Avhich secured hiiJi otHce. lie is
sometimes consulted on affairs of moment, and it
need hardly he said, having mentioned under whom
he was employed, that as a statr'smau he is elever,
reckless, and unprincipled. Age has made him
morose, while he was naturally cruel, and it is, per-
haps, quite as well that blindness incapacitates him
from taking an active part in public affairs. To onr
right on leaving 'Nanachi, we had the extemsive
pastures, now partially under water, (‘alhxl the (’ha-
man of Vazirabad, from a village on their st)uthern
limit. Tracing their vrestern bounds, we reached
the village of D4h Kippak, of one hundred houses

SHAKR DARA. HI

enclosed within walls. Beyond tHs, crossing a bar-
ren stony tract, we came to the Kotal Kers Khana,
or Pass of the Bear’s den. At ^s entrance we
found a ruinous stone tower, formeiiy a choki, a
few tut, or riiulberry-trees, and excellent water in a
karez. The kotal is rather a slight defile than a
pass, and was about three quarters of a mile in
length, the road, although rocky, being perfectly
easy to our cattle. At its western extremity was a
tower, the station of officers receiving duties. Plence
we had a noble view of the district of Shakr Dara,
and of the plain of Koh Daman. W e halted a few mo-
ments to enjoy the scene. On looking back we found
we had still in sight the Balia Hissar of Kabal.
From the tower, on either side of the road gently
inclining towards the plain, were, at regular inter-
vals, the circular foundations of ancient structures,
which my companions conjectured to have been
towers, but which were rather sepulchral tumuli.
They occur in some number. Having gained the
level but sterile plain, we had nothing better to do
than make the best of our way across it, aiid to reach
the cluster of villages, castles, and orchards which
spread before us. The plain, generally pretty even,
had its surface fractured in two or three pl'aces, and
we crossed two or three ravines,* in one of which
flowed the rivulet called the river of Koh Daman,
which rising amongst the hills above Gdza, in the
extreme south-west quarter, traverses the valley and
runs along its eastern limits, until it finally falls

H2 NAZIR MIR ALI KHAN.

into the united fivers of Ghorband, Perwan, and
Pangshir, below Jiilgha. At length we reached the
vicinity of the 'Cw'o Karezaks, Biilla and Paluu (the
upper and lower), villages at the skirts of the hills.
Above them, a little to the north, was'Gaza, where
resides Naib Amir Khan. The three villages are
all advantageously situated, and are abundantly dis-
tinguished by vestiges of the olden time, in mounds
and tumuli. It was dark before we reaehc^d the
seignorial castle of Kohchlan, the first one occur-
ring to the south of Shakr Dara, to which we had
been invited, and where we were politely -welcomed
by its proprietor, Nazir Mir Ali Khan. A capital
supper was prepared, and we were lodged in the
Mihman Khana, over the entrance to the ca,stle. On
one of my former excursions, in making for Ivllbal
from Shakr Dara, I had met the nazir, at tliat time
unknown to me, near the Kotal Kers Khana. He
stopped his horse and asked if I was not a Feringlh;
on being answered, yes, he much wi.she(l me to have
returned with him, and pointed to hi.s castle. I then
declined to do so, and he made me promise I would
visit him on some future occasion. The mizir had
been a merchant, and had also served the Sirdar
Mahomed Azem Khan in Kashmir ; owing to which
he was held guilty of being very rich, and had been
more than once required to disgorge part of the
wealth he had acquired. To avoid farther demands
upon his coffers, 'without absolutely pretending to
be a pauper, he represented himself as struggling

HIS CONVERSATION AND TRAVELS. 113

with the world, and barely able to make his way.
His castle, a very excellent one, was built by Ro-
hilla Khan, Popal Zai, a man who jn by-gone days
of anarchy seems to have been the ^-ant of his
neighbourhootl. He was slain by one B^am, at the
instigation of Habib Ulah Khan. From his heirs
the castle was purchased by a daughter of the Vazir
Fati Kh^, who sold it to the najzir for six thousand
• five hundred rupees.

I had not intended to have halted here, but to
have spent the day at Shakr Dara, yet, as the nazir
talked of detaining us several days, we thouglit
it seemly to remain one. On rising I joined my
host, who was an earlier riser than I was, in a
garden, near a reservoir of water shaded by majnhn
b^ds or weeping willows. We commenced the day
with a plentiful feast on mulberries and apricots,
after which kabab, or roast meat, with admirable
bread, prepared, as is the vogue at Herat, was intro-
duced as a nastar, or breakfast. We had a good deal
of general conversation ; from which I learned that
the worthy nazir had been a great traveller, having
visited India, Arabia, Persia, and Turkistan. He
had been at B%dad, when Mr. Rich was resident
there, and, according to his statement, had been
a frequent visitor of that gentleman. The north-
west tower having a very elevated apartment over
it, I asked if it were practicable Tor me to gain it,
without incommoding his family. . He obligingly re-
plied, “ Bismillah,” and ordered the females of his

VOL. III. I

114 ACCIDENT.

havam to retire that I might pass. While this
was in operation one of the good man’s wives ar-
rived from Kahal, seated on a pony, wliich heing
led near flie^ horse of my companion tlm sirkerdcr,
a very vicious animal, a battle took jrlace, in which
the lady was capsized, fortunately without greater
detriment than fright. After this untoward acci<leut
the wayward beast broke from his ropes, and fled
from the castle. The nazir’s servants mounted, '
and, after a long chase over the country, secured
the fugitive at the foot of the Kotal Kers Khana.

I ascended the tower, accompanied by a rish
safed, the malek of the castle, to give tuo all re<{ui-
site information, and by anotlier person, to attend
to my wants while I remained in it. I did not
leave until evening, being well occupied in taking
sketches, bearings, and making myself ac(piainted
with the country. Dinner and fruit were sent
up to me, and I passed the day very agrt'cably.
The apartment commanded an extensive i)rosp(,a't,
and, for whatever purpose erected, had clearly
been the scene of many a festive jairty, if we
might infer from the numerous <listichs written
on its walls.

In the morning we took leave of our friend
the niizir, who detained us until some dozen eggs
were boiled, which he made us put up in our kas-
kurzms, with a couple of Herat cakes. Wv i)ro-
ceeded towards tlje gardens of Shakr Dara, which
we soon reached, having the small village of K ilia

SHAKE DARA.

115

Safed (the white castle) on our left. Crossing a
small rivulet, we passed, also to the left, the village
of Killa Ahmed. Our road now sled through a
wilderness of gardens and orchards, jjie road de-
fined by parapets of stones, and at nearly every
step crossed by canals of water. We arrived at the
large village of Serai, inhabited principally by
Hindus, adjacent to which is Surkh Bolendi (the
* red mound), where resides Shah Nawaz Khan, the
hakam of the district, or taluk. Here the Hindu
Diwan of the Nawab Jab^ Khan followed me,
and entreated me to become his guest, and I fear
was mortified at my refusal. A little beyond Serai
we crossed a small stream, rolling over a rocky
bed, called the river of Shakr Dara. It did not
exceed in breadth fifteen feet, but its current was
noisy and impetuous. We next passed the remains,
still attractive, of a royal garden planted by Taimfir
Shah, and our road still threading through orchards,
with the villages of Yakub, Suliman, Ac., to our
left, we at length cleared Shakr Dara. On gaining
the open country we came upon the ziarat of
Khwoja Wahadar Jahi, where are two or three
large chanm-, or plane-trees. Soon after we arrived
parallel to the large village of Bizadi, to • our left,
on the elevated side of a deep rawine, down which
flows a rivulet. This place is picturesquely situ-
ated, and is famous for the manufacture of vinegar.
We next passed, also to our left, the large village
of B^dak, alike I’omantically situated on an eini-

116

BEDAK.

nence, and surrounded with gardens, vineyards, and
orchards. This place is included in the taluk of
Kah Dara. Ob the side of the ravine 0]>posite is
seated the s^ialler village of Killa Kajii. On the

BEDAK.

line ot road east of B6dak is the castle called Kilhi
Wasil, where I halted and skctcluHl the village.
Hence we proceeded to the larges village t)f KAh
Dara, which has an abundance of gardens and vine-
yards, and is the capital of a taluk, enjov(Ml in
jaghir by Mirza Sami Khan, 'fhe rivulet here is
considerable, and termed the river of Kah Dura.
We next made % small village of Kadowla, Mith
a small rivulet, and boasting the same advantages

ZIRGARAN — CATO. ' 117

of site, abundance of water, anA gardens. Beyond
it we entered the taluk of FerzaH, passing , to our
left the Afghan hamlet of Bostan. '^hence made
our way through orchards, with castles^ife villages
to the right and left, until we reached the village
of Zirgar^, seated on an eminence, south of a
stream called the river of Ferzah. Here we halted
for the day, at the house of a pi’evious acquaintance.
“The village commanding an extensive view of the
Kohistin, as well as Koh Daman, I took bearings
and made observations from it during the remainder
of the day. There was also at the summit of the
eminence the entrance to a cave, which, although
in a measure closed up, we could easily see once
led by flights of steps downwards. The people
represented, that within memory it was practicable
to reach the bottom, where the stairs terminated
in a spacious chamber, surmounted with a gumbuz,
or cupola. An account so sober and probable, that
I felt conviction it was true.

The next day I passed in visiting the several
villages and castles of Ferzah and its ziarats, and
in making a sketch of Deh Zirgardn. The tOuk, I
found, comprised twelve villages and four castles.
The two principal villages, inhabited by Tajiks,
contained but eighty houses each, ^nd the remain-
der varied from thirty to seventy houses. The
aggregate of villages and castles embraced about
seven hundred houses, consequently a population of
nearly four thousand souls may be assigned to the

? - * #

118 • PERI^\N INSCRIPTION.

t£uk of Ferzali. Tfiis is mixed Afghtln and Tdjik,
although the tribes are generally distinct in the
villages. Th^^.T^jiks are under a local governor,
one Sekandj^r Shah, saiyad, formerly a notorious
robber. On inquiring what sort of 'a hakam he
made, I was told he was very fond of exacting fines,
but that he had a very smooth tongue. Whatever
sum he imposed, he assured the individual that
owing to a particular affection for him he only
claimed half wdiat was due to the olfence, and to
his own duty, but friendship could not be ri'sisted.
Amongst the zhirats of the place I discovered a slab
with a partially defaced Persian inscription, comme-
morating the foundation of a fort, or castle of Nasi-
rabad. It was unknown from what spot the stone
had been conveyed, or to what locality it alluded.

We proceeded up the glen of Ferzah for the
purpose of visiting an afshdh, or cascade. Our road
led by many of the villages, most romantically and
delightfully situated on eminences. When we ha<l
passed them we entered a lovely glen, very .spa(“ious
at its commencement. I was astonished at the
wild luxuriance of the vegetation, and at its variety,
and observed with satisfaction the violet, and the
blackberry-bush. This entihanting space had beiui
till ^within a very»few years filled by a royal gardim ;
little remained in evidence thereof but cultivated
flowers, as sweet flags, &c., here and there sponta-
neously growing. • As we paced nj) the glen it
contracted, but was always abundant in grass and

THE EOYAL GaI^LE. 119

■

plants. Towards its extremity the road became
troublesome, but I did not dismoxlnt, and it opened
into a clear space, immediately uniter the body of
the superior hills, over which a pas^J^ into the
Hazara distinct of Turkoman. Here we found the
cascade, which was indeed an agreeable object, al-
though inconsiderable as to size. I made a sketch
■V of it, and then went to the limits of the snow
wl-- in front, where I was surprised to find a profusion
of the most beautiful auriculas. I know not whe-
ther I was most pleased at having seen the cascade
or discovered the flowers. Having eaten our break-
fasts, which we had brought with us, we returned
to D^h Zirgaran, well satisfied with our trip. The
remainder of the day we passed in the garden of Ak-
hund Iddaitulah’s castle, where we regaled ourselves
upon mulberries at discretion.

Between Ferzah and IstSlif the soil was broken
by ravines, and a very deep one occurs just before
reaching the latter place, where Killa Shahi, or
the royal castle, stands, on an eminence left of the
road. It was built by Taimur Shah, who also
planted a garden here, of which hardly a trace
remains ; but there are numerous holly-trees sprin-
kled about, of which the inhabitants boast, as
there are none other to be found in the Koh
Daman, however plentiful in the superior hilrs of
Hindu Kosh. The royal castle had lofty walis"
and towers, but was built of mud, and has been
seriously injured by the people themselves, who

120

^ ISTALIF.

arc not well tlisposetSjjto crown property, and wished
to make it for ,pver untenantable, both because
it coinnianclec^their town and that they might
divert intr^^ir gai’dens a canal which was for-
merly directed through its interior. Hence we had
a magnificent coup d’ceil of the town of Tstalif,
seated on the opposite side of a profound glen, or
valley, down which, over a bed of rocky botilders,
rushes a foaming rivulet. The sides of the glen
are clad with orchards and vineyards, which alike
fill much of the valley above and below the town.
The houses occupying the rising ascent of the glen,
and' standing on sites elevated one above the other,
are all distinctly and separately discernible. Above
the town soar some magnificent chanitrs, which de-
note the ziarat of Hazrat Eshan. Istalif is one of
the most picturesque spots which can be conceived ;
all that a combination of natural beauties can
achieve we behold here in perfection : their elfeet
is not diminished, but rather augmented by the
rude appearance of the houses of thc^ town. Tlie
scenery of the country around is extensive and
grand, in happy unison with the keej)ing of the
whole picture. The people of the country have
a proverb, that he who has not seen Tstiilif has
nothing seen. Wp will not venture to say so much
as t|lt, but may be allowed to believe that ho who
seen Istalif is not likely to see many places to
surpass it, and fe'^ to equal it. We were never
tired of looking at the luxuriant scene, and left

HAZBAT ESHA*^, 121

with regretj to fix our quartert, although intending
to return on the morrow. ^

We early repaired the following dny to the royal
castle, and I commenced a sketch of\b<^ fair land-
scape before? me. Indisposition compelled me to
defer my labour; and crossing the glen, I walked
to the town to procure medicine, availing myself
of the opportunity to visit the zi^at of Hazrat
' Eshan. Here were a number of slabs with Persian
inscriptions, but they proved to be religious mottoes
and pious sentences. The curiosity at the ziarat
is the number of plane-trees, which together form
the mass, which, a conspicuous object to the regions
around, appears but one tree in the distance. There
is a group of several <trees, .I think thirty-seven, and
the difficulty of counting them correctly is believed
to be due to an illusion which enshrouds the con-
secrated locality. Hazrat Eshan is but a recent
saint, of not quite a century and half’s standing.
He came from Turkistin, and his descendants, all
holy men, are still numerous in the Eoh Daman.
The spot, however, was probably a shrine of an-
tiquity, and the H&rat has usurped the homage
formerly paid to another. Istalif boasts also of
the ziarat of Sofi within the town, of that of Noh
Lakhi Sahib, in the glen at the, western extremity
of its orchards, and of that of Hazrat Shah MMan,
at Shorawer, one of its dependent villages, whetc
are some volcanic vestiges and sulphurous springs.
A vein of a white friable stone, tinged with a red

122 R.5BEL WEAVER.

colour, is believed ^to be the pertrified remains
of a dragon, slajn, as all dragons in these coun-
tries are, by tlie keen-edged Ziilfikdr.

Nearly csiKy householder of Istalif has his garden
or orchard. In most of these is a fewer, wliere,
as soon as the fruits ripen, the hunilies repair,
closing their houses in the town. The people
themselves, Tajiks, are not very amiable, nor are
their females very chaste; and the mulberry sea- •
son, which draws them into the orchards, by atlbrd-
ing facilities to their intercourse, is generally
marked by sanguinary conflicts and murders, and
proves productive in fines to the governor. Be-
sides the towm of Istalif, the taluk comj>rises the
adjacent villages of Gudara,*Perganna, Shonaki,
Khwoja Hassan, Malla, Ilassan Kacha, and Shor-
awer. The town and villages are reckoned to
contain together three thousand houses, which
would give a population of fifteen thousand to
eighteen thousand souls to the taluk. Ilic re-
venue derived from it is rated at forty thousand
rupees, and this year was enjoyed by Abdulah
Khan, the Atchak Zai sirdar. A great part of
the population of the town is of the w'eaver class,
and quantities of coarse cloths, lunglhs, and susi,
are manufactured,^ and a trade is maintained with
Tristan. During the years of anandiy which
distinguished the downfall of the Sadu Zai mon-
archs, some individuals of notoriety were pro-
duced amongst the turbulent citiiaens of Isktlif.

123

BOLEND KHAN.

The most remarkable was Mahomed Shah Khan,
a simple weaver, who rose one morning, and fancied
himself destined to be padshah of . Delhi Grasp-
ing his musket, he left his house alope, shot the
two or three first men he met, to show that he
was in -earnest, and took the road to Kabal. Be-
fore reaching Ferzah he had been joined by several,
and then crowds began to flock in to him. At the
head of four or five thousand men he entered
Kabal. The court, under Shah Mdhmfid, was
absent at Peshdwer ; and Prince Sultin Ali, go-
vernor, had difficulty to preserve the Balia Hissar,
being compelled to abandon the city to the weaver-
king. Shahzada Abbas broke from confinement,
and aspired to soveriignty ; and as Mdhomed Shah
Khan’s ideas extended far beyond Kibal, he could
afford to support the prince’s views there, and an
understanding followed between them. The weaver
quartered his men on the inhabitants of the city
during the winter, and spared the Shia quarter
of Chandol, at his mercy, by listening to the hopes
of ransom held out to him by the Ghulam Khdna,
then with their sovereign at Peshawer. In spring
Sirdar Mahomed Azem Khdn was commissioned
to clear the city of the pests assailing it ; and
arriving with a large body of, troops, some hard
fighting ensued. Mahomed Sh4h Khfin was slain,
and. Prince Abbas secured, was re-conducted to his
prison. More recently, one Bolend KhAn made
a figure in the country. Alike a Aveaver ori-

124 LEAVE ISTALIF.

ginally, lie became a robber, and flourished so
exceedingly that^ he became the terror of the
neighbourhood.. He built a castle on an emi-
nence at Ist^^if, completely overlooking and over-
awing the town and tdluk. He rendered some
important services to Dost Mahomed Khan, winch
he pleaded when, subsequently, that chief seized
him, and ordered him to be put to death. Dost
Mahomed Khan acknowledged them, but said he '
was not about to be slain for the services he had
pei’formed, but for the treason he meditated.

On leaving Istalif we passed down the glen for
about a mile, and cleared the gardens of the place.
We then crossed the river, and traversing a very
rocky surface, made the highiiroad, leading a mile
and a half to two miles from the hills. Passed
the parallel of Shorawer, where are seen the azdha,
or dragon, and impressions in the rock, belitn-ed
to be of Daldal, the charger of IMzrat Alx. Next
that of Kiishab, a small hamlet, the more north-
ernly of the taluk of Istdlif. Beyond this, we
reached the parallel of Istargitch, a collection of
villages and orchards. It is famous for its grapt's,
and was formerly for the refractory s])irit of the
inhabitants. Dost Maliomed IChan somewhat al-
layed it by the execution of two of their maleks,
who w'ere brothers, AgCi Jan and Mahdvji Khan.
Still further, and computed four cosses from Istalif,
we had under the hills another cluster of villages
and orchards, called Sanjit Dara. About a coss

TRADE OF CHARiKAR.

125

beyond, having passed in the interval the castle
and hamlet of Raijist, vre came in a line with
Tope Dara, celebrated for the magm:^ent tope
it contains. Another coss brought us. to Chailcal,
a village of fifty houses immediately on the road,
opposite to the zmrat of the Khw^zada of Shah
Nakshband. At this point commenced the gar-
dens and cultivation of Chdrikar. At the entrance
• of the town is a large castle, the residence of
Khwoja Padshah, one of the hereditary kowanins
of the Kohistan, and claiming descent from Hazrat
Eshan. Our road this morning had been over a
tolerably even plain, sometimes crossed by rivulets
and canals of water. To our left, as has been
noted, were the skirts of the hills, and to our
right the open plain of Koh Daman, with its
villages and cultivation. A few black tents were
occasionally seen on the plain, the abodes of the
Afghan pastoral families, whose flocks grazed it.

I had already made acquaintances in Charikar, and
we halted at the house of one of them, at the open-
ing of the towm. After refreshing ourselves we
wnlked up the bazar, about four hundred yards in
length, and loosely covered to exclude heat. The
town is said to contain about one thousand houses,
and carries on an active trade with the neighboui-
ing districts on either side of the Hindu Kosh. It
exports the coarse products of the looms of the Ko-
histan and considerable quantities of iron, both in
pigs and manufactured into horse-shoes. At Cha-

126 TUTAM DABA.

rikar resides the h^am, or governor of the Kohis-
tan ; and duties are fevied here on merchandize pas-
sing to ^nd fro between it and Turkistdn. They
were this year farmed for ten thousand rupees.

Chai-ikar during the recent military occupation
of Kabal was the seat of a j^olitical agent, and
the station of the shdh’s Gurkha battalion. When
the insurrection broke out the position was attack-
ed by the warlike Kohistanis, and after some days’
severe fighting the battalion, sadly diminished in
numbers, retired upon Kabal, and at Karabagh
nine miles from Chaiukai*, its wrecks, entangled
amongst the orchard walls of the town, were
overwhelmed and extinguished. The gallant lit-
tle mountaineers of Mpal would, however, appear
to have left their foes as much cause for sorrow
as for exultation, and, at least, died worthily.

Early in the morning we took the road to Til tarn
Dara, carrying our breakfast in our saddle-bags,
and accompanied by an acquaintance, one Dadaji.
To our left we passed the small village of lliiplan,
deserted in great measure, but once famous for its
saiyads, the principal of whom, Saiyad Ashraf Khan,
was slain by Dost Mahomed IChan, and the remain-
der are fugitives in Sir Aulang. It is farther distin-
guished by its huge artificial mounds, from which at
various times copious antique treasures have been
extracted. Beyond Huplan every glen of the hills
had its orchards, until we reached a castle called Killa
Wall, where commences the district of Tutam Dara,

CONVERSATION AT BREAKFAST. 127

immediately preceded by a burial-ground, in which
the graves were disposed without much nicety, as
many extending from east to west as fr^m north
to south. We passed through the village, of about
one hundred* and fifty houses, the better of which
belong to Hindus, who reside here in some num-
ber. We made for the seignorial castle of Shesh
Burjeh, belonging to All Khan, and seated on an
eminence overlooking the river of Ghorband, which
here issues from the hills into the basin of the Ko-
histan. While taking our breakfast, Sirkerder
Kamber went to the castle for some butter-milk.
The females observing that I had a book in my
hand, asked if the fikhund was a mulla, and from
what country he came. The sirkerder said, from
a country one year and one month distant. One
of them said, that if the akhund would write a
taviz for a person with afiiicted eyes it would be a
charitable act. The sirkerder promised to inform
the akhund. He came to me, and after we had
breakfasted returned to the fair TAjiks, and told
them that the akhund had opened his book, and
that his nazzar, or sight, had fallen upon a black fowl,
which if given he would write a taviz. The fe-
males ran into the castle, and a few minutes after
came, led by a youngster, a short, miserable-looking
octogenarian, with his eyes bound up, and weeping
most bitterly. Old as he was, he proved to be the
husband of one of the prettiest ef the Tajik ladies,
was named Azem Khan, and by office nazir - to

128

REMEDIES 'FOR RESTORING SIGHT.

All Klidn. He fell at my feet, embraced them,
and sobbed incessantly. He protested, that he
bad no black fowl, but would give bis sbirt or
bis trowsers,^sucb as they were, if I would write
a tfiviz. I made baste to scribble Mie letters of
the alphabet on a slip of paper, and directed it to
be carefully sewn in fine linen and suspended over
bis temples. For fear the taviz might not be
effective, I recommended bis wife to coagulate the *
white of an egg with alum, and apply the mass to
his eyes by night, hoping that the epitbeui of lli-
verius might benefit him if the charm should not.'
Diidaji was not pleased that I should write a tciviz
mtift, or gratis, and seemed to think that if black
fowls were not produced white fowls ought to have
been. It is scarcely possible to visit any place in,
the Koh Daman or Kohistan without learning some
proof of the justice or sevei-ity of Dost Milhomed
Khan. Hei'e the malek, Alx Khan, is the sfm of vSaki
Khan, one of the eight maleks seized the same day
at Kiirabagh, and executed togetlier at Charikrir.

All Khan has secured tolerable interest in the
darbar at Kabal by giving his sister in marriage to
Nazir Alladad Khan, Judnshlr, the bnxther of Dost
Mahomed Khan’s mother, and who is the adviser
and director of Ijis son, Mahomed Akbar Khan.
Nazir AlladM has estates at Tutain Dara, and by
renewing an ancient canal has brought as much
waste land under-cultivation as yields an annual
i-etm-n of two hundred kharwars of grain. He is,

TUTAM DAKA. 129

moreover, the hakam, and holds the valley in j%hir.
He is accustomed to tell his raiyats to repeat fewer
prayers, and observe less fasting, but in l|pu thereof
to speak truth and be moi*e honest.

From the jiver at Tutam Dara are diverted three
magnificent canals, each extending for six cosses, or
about nine to ten miles southernly, and for that dis-
tance irrigating and fertilizing the plain. The more
• westemly is called Jui Robat, from terminating at a
place so called. The intermediate one is named Jui
Khwoja, and terminates at Dowlat Khaka. The third,
and easternly one terminates at Karoti. In its course
it supplies the villages and lands of Deh Sadulah,
Deh Kazi, Baiyan Mir -Moghal Khdn, Ydrchi, Tok-
cM, Khwoja Khedari, Shakhan, Mahighir; beyond
whieh is Karoti. This canal is named the Jui Mahi-
ghir, and was made, or renewed, by Anair Taimur.

Tutam Dara has since acquired celebrity, from
having been the spot where Dost Mahomed Khan,
in his attempt to raise the Kohist^, encountered
the British force under General Sale, and where
the misconduct of a regiment of native cavalry led
to some unfortunate results. Dost Mahomed K b A n
and his followers, it would seem, were little satis-
fied with their triumph, for the latter dispersed,
and the former, in true Afghan style, observing,
that rather than be sold by one of the scoundrels
about him, it would be better for him to sell him-
self, rode off, nearly unattended, 4;o Kabal, and sur-
rendered to the envoy. Sir W. Macnaghten.

VOL. III.

SCENER-Y AT TUTAM DARA.

The river of Tiitam Dara, flovring from Ghorband,
was not at this time Vider than thii’ty feet, nor lit-
tle more than knee-deep. Its course w^as impetuous,
and over i bed strewed 'Ruth boulders. Seen from
the castle of All Khan, the valley w^s sufficiently
picturesque, and I judged it worthy of a sketch.
We were now on the brink of the basin of the

TUTAM DARA.

Kohistin, and had skirted the hills which bound
Koh Daman to the west throughout their entire
length. I should have been happy to have ex-
tended my progress into the Kohistln, but being at
this time unable, I returned to Ghai’ikdr.

In the evening we repaired to the garden of the

SULTAN SINGH’S GARDEN. 131

late Diwan Sultan Singh, where we were delighted
with a variety of flowers, Indian chrysanthemums,
balsams, stocks, Indian pinks, China asters^prinees’
feathers, French and African marigolds, &c. The
paths were planted on either side with safedars
and poplars, and in the centre, where they met,
was a takht and summer-house. At one extre-
mity of the garden was a diwan-khana, or hall
•of audience, at the other a handsome hamarat,
or residence, painted within and without with
flowers. The garden to the north was open, al-
lowing a complete and magnificent view of the
Kohistan and the Hindu Kosh. It occurred to me,
that no Mahomedan would ever have thought of
this arrangement. Diwan Sultan Singh was a per-
son of no small importance in his day. He was son
of a Sikh of Ch&ik^, the tarfizadar, or weigher of
grain, to Malek Ish Khan of Mahomed Iraki, a dis-
trict near Khwoja Regh Rawdn. The son succeed-
ed to his father’s oifice, but subsequently became
a partner, or connected with Diwan Damudiir, the
diwin of the Sak Zai Sirdar Madat Khan. When
Sirdar Mahomed Azem Khan returned from Kash-
mir he called for an account of the revenues of
Koh Daman and Kohistin from Diwins Ramsah
and Gursah, who gave false statements. Stiltin
Singh informed the sirdar of their delinquencies, and
was appointed diwin of Koh Daman and the Kohis-
t^ in their stead. He held oflfice during the life-
time of the sirdar and his son, Habib Ulah Khin.

K 2

MIRZA^IMAM VERDl’s PLOT,

In the distracted politics of that period, the diwdn
connected his interests with those of Aminulah
Kh4n, Logari, and when the khdn, fearing the
headstrong violence of the sirdar, turned his at-
tention to Dost Mahomed Kh^n, the diwan did
same. Mirza Im^m Verdi, the minister of
ahib Ulah KhAn, had concerted a plan to secure
his master’s stability, by ''the removal of four ob-
noxious persons, viz. Naib Aminulah KMn, Hafizji.
son of Mir Wais, Shekh Maz&, and Mir Marjati
of the Kohist^. Sultan Singh, known to be emi-
nently bold and reckless, was destined a part in
the execution of this scheme. Summoned to a con-
ference with Habib Ulah and Mirza Imam Verdi, he '
was informed of what was intended to be done, ’and
of what was expected from himself. On taking leave
he revealed the plot to Naib Aminulah KMn. This
coming to Habib Ulah Khan’s knowledge, he sent
Nazir Ah Mahomed to secure the diwan, intend-
ing to put him to death. The nazir told Sfilt^n
Singh that Habib Ulah Khan wished to give him a
RReJat, and dismiss him to the Kohistan.

Sffltan Singh immediately ordered his ySbfis to be
laden, and putting forty armed Kohistanis in front
of his horse accompanied the nfeir to that part of
tte ShohOT baaSf where one road leads to the Bflla
issm and another to the house of Aminfilah Khin.
fcnlten Singh took the latter, and the naair re-

K W.?.

ai Khan ordered the drums to beat to

MALEK ISA khan’s PROPOSAL. 133

arms, and marclied on Aminulah Khan’s house.
The khan resisted, having been joined by his friends,

and the sirdar’s efforts to force his hous^ proved
ineffectual. These events led to the re-appearance
of Dost Mahsmed Khan, and the battle on the
plain of Kergah, where Habib Ulah Khan was de-
feated. Under Dost Mahomed Khan the diwan
continued in employ, and was particularly distin-
•guished for the dexterity with which he managed
the affairs of the district imder his charge. A person
of most forbidding features, he had acquired an as-
cendency in the Kohistan that no person before
him had enjoyed. He affected the state of a sirdar,
held levees and darbars, planted gardens at Chd-
rikar and Saiyad Khel, and built splendid residences
and castles. He was suspected of entertaining the
notion that the Raj Gdru was near at hand, but
he was destined to fall. Forgetful of his obliga-
tions in early life to Malek Isa Kh^, he obtained,
by his representations, an order from Dost Ma-
homed Khan to seize him. The malek was called
to Charikar, on pretence of business, was made
prisoner, and conveyed to Kabal. A fine of sixteen
thousand rupees was demanded of him, but he had
interested in his favour Mirza Sami Khan and
Nazir Ali Mahomed. Malek Isa Khan said to
Dost Mahomed Khan, “You have sold me to my
slave for sixteen thousand rupees ; put the slave in
his %a’s hands, and you shall have thirty thou-
sand rupees.” Dost Mahomed Khan feigned to be

134

SULTAN SINGH SWALLOWS POISON.

soothed with this proposal, and was not displeased
to see competition, as it promised to increase the
sum he should get from one or other, or from both
of them. Sultan Singh was sent for by Dost Ma-
homed Khai, who applied to him .many abusive
epithets, and talked, without intending to do so
much, of making him a Mussulman. On reaching
home the diw^ sent for a rupee’s weight, or value
of arsenic, discoursed with his friends, Hke Cato -
upon the immortality of the soul, dismissed them’
locked his door, and swallowed the poison. Dost
Mahomed Kh^ was exceedingly sorry when in-
formed of his death. Nor is this the only instance
when he has had to regret having driven a high-
spirited man to self-destruction. Malek Isa Khin
now excused himself from paying anything, as the
iwan had not been made over to him, and the sirdar
ashamed of the affair, gave him his liberty. He’
owever, benefited by the appropriation of the estates’
and property of the unfortunate Siiltfin Sino-h.

^ rom Chfirikar, in company with a young lad
the son of our landlord, I walked up to Tope Dara
Where I W before been. Midway the
e rewed with huge boulders, and sprinkled with
arghawan bushest so beautiful in bLom at the
commenoeuient of spring. As we neared the hill,

ae yellow fish, the red siviteh, and the !htS

n^rth^f A little ^

Built by one Khwoja

TOPE DARA.*

135

J&n, it is now inhabited by a few wretched faniilies
from Sir Aulang. At the opening of the dara into
the plain are some large tumuli, one bopoured by
the name of Rustam. The castle of Tope Dara,
situated in a 'picturesque and commanding situation,
has been suffered to fall into decay. The village
comprises about sixty houses, constructed clumsily
of stones. Passing through it, we proceeded to
• the Tope, and I occupied myself for some time in
making sketches of it. About the monument were
numerous caper-trees, of a species similar to that
of the Baloch and Persian hills. Proceeding a little
up the dara, which has a fine brook running down it,
whose volume of water was considerably augmented
by the earthquake of last year, we found a con-
venient place to rest in, and were supplied by the
villagers with mulberries. I had to strike sparks
from a flint over the heads of two children, and
learned that persons who had crossed the Atak river
are supposed to possess some peculiar powers. We
remained here until evening, when we were joined
by a party, composed of the relatives of Mir Hakjx
Sahib and the son of Khwoja Padshah of Charikar.
We had a fresh regale of mulberi'ies. When they
departed we went a little farther up the dara to see
a spring, called Nekkak Perida, or Flying Nekkak.
We fouiid a smooth perpendicular rock, from the
base of which issues the spring, and which receives
its name from one Nekkak, whose misfortune it was
to fall from the top of the rock. We had several

136

THE COMPASS.

of the villagers with us, and they pointed out
two stones, in one of which was a hole, as they
said, the. perforation of a spear; in the other a
fissure, caused by a sword-wound. The stones, I '
was assured, represented a brother and sister, slain
by kafrs, or infidels. From an eminence overlook-
ing the plain I next took a few bearings, and my
compass created no small astonishment; I how-
ever soon made them familiar with it, and indulged -
them by looking through it, after I had fixed the
hair-line on an object. In this way they became
useful as well as pleased, and told me the names
of places that I did not know. I hitherto said
nothing about opening the Tope, neither did I in-
quire for the malek, as the time had not come,
but appeared in the village, as I had done before,
a casual visitor. Having completed my observa-
tions, we bade adieu to the friendly villagers, and
passing the mound called the tomb of Eiistam’s son,
we struck across the plain for Charikar. In our
progress we observed a man at some distance, who
as soon as he descried us left his path, tucked up
the skirts of his garments, and with his musket
trailed and his body bent, glided from behind one
stone to another. He did not appear to be dodging
us, but rather taking precautions against us. On
nearing him, so that my young companion could
catch a glance at him, he was recognized as a

fogitive of Hup^n, who had stealthily visited his
len s at Istargitch, and was now on his return to

SEH YARAN.

137

Sir Aulang. The poor wretch feared to encounter
in every one he met an enemy. He relaxed a little
on finding that he had nothing to appreh^d from
us, but preserved his caution and distance, and I
could not but admire his activity.

Visible from Charlkar is a white building, at
S6h Yaran, or the three friends, which the peoj)le
call a sanduk, or chest, believing it to have been
• built for some other purpose than to enclose a
tomb. As the spot is one which was honoured by
the emperor Baber’s approbation, and which he
embellished with fountains and chanar-trees, it
behoved me to visit it. In my way to Tope Dara
yesterday, I had been near to it, as it lies about
a mile only north of it, but judging I should have
enough to occupy me there during the day, I did
not deviate from the road. I again, as the distance
was trifling, left my Kabal companions behind,
and proceeded on foot with my landlord’s young
son. The sanduk, as it is called, proved to be the
remains of a quadrangular building, having a pillar
inserted at each of the angles. The entrance faced
the south, which seemed to imply, that it was not
originally a tomb, although there were two marble
grave-stones standing within its walls. It had
also once been covered vdth a cupola, which seemed
likevdse to have been an addition, but it had in
great measure fallen. Hence we passed to the
ziarat of Derwish, where there «re fountains and
chanar-trees, which we might have attributed to

138

A-STEANGE BIRD.

the social king, of -whom, howeyer, no tradition
is preserved here, had we not been led still farther
on towa-ds Killa Khurban, where are many ancient
sepulchral mounds, and where a spring of water
issues high up in the hills. Here ware some vener-
able chanar-trees ; and the locality is to this day
one of favourite resort to the people of Charlkar.
There could be little doubt but that this was the
place which had delighted Baber. The water from "
the spring forms a canal on the plain below, irrigat-
ing a small garden at the base of the hill. At-
Seh Y&an is a village of some forty houses, and
Killa Khtirbin is a deserted castle. South of the
latter is a ravine, supplied with a rivulet, and con-
taining a few orchards and dwellings, named Takia.
We followed this ravine until it merged into the
plain, which we then traversed and regained our
quarters. On my first visit to Ch&ikar I found
the inhabitants, who are not particularly famed for
civility, inclined to be merry at my expense, and
in walking the bazar I incurred the hazard of
being mobbed, one rogue passing the word to the
other that a “murgh noh,” or strange bird, had
come. On better acquaintance, however, they
had become very respectful and tractable, and in
lieu of their jeers and jests I received in passing
their Salam alikams and Khush amadeds.

As Sanjit Dara was one of the spots between
Istalif and Tope’' Dara which I had not seen, I
proposed to devote a day to an excursion to it ;

GARDENS OF SANJIT DARA. 139

and accordingly we mounted, and proceeded across
the plain to Tope Dara ; whence we intended to
skirt the hills. A good many ravines intersected
our road, otherwise pretty good. At about two
miles we passed the agricultural village of Sh^hmak,
with an excellent canal. To the left of the road
there were some vestig'es, in stone parapets and
mounds, not of much importance, and in the hills
. to our right we observed the entrances to several
samuches, or caves. Hence we gained the villages
and gardens of Sanjit Dara, and halted for the day
under some walnut-trees on the bank of its rivulet.
Here are collected seven or eight villages. The
principal ziarat is distinguished by a magnificent
chanar-tree. The soil is too rocky to be turned
to great profit, and prevents the cultivation of the
vine to any extent. The orchards are principally
stocked with mulberry and walnut-trees. We
were preparing to return to Clwikar, when we
were told that Mahomed Jafar Kh4n, one of my
Bimian companions, was encamped below the dara,
and that he held some of the villages in jaghir.
We paid him a visit, and accepted his invitation
to become his guests for the evening. A sheep
was killed, and, while our supper was preparing,
the khan and myself were engaged in conversation.
He was intent upon forming a clnal, the obstacles
to which were some rocks. He seriously inquired
of me whether they might no* be removed by
vinegar. I told him all I knew about Hannibal

140

A KABAL DOCTOR.

and the Alps, but recommended him, nevertheless,
to try the elfects of a little powder.

From Sanjit Dara we returned to Charikar, and
taking farewell of our friends, crossed the canal, or
Jui Robat, flowing through the town, and passed
over a fertile tract, cultivated chiefly with cotton.
We then crossed the Jui Khwoja, and subsequently
Jfli Mahighir, a little after which we reached Killa
Mir Saiyad Khdn. The owner received us with po-
liteness, and lodged us in his mihm^-khana, but
complaining of heat, I was conducted to the garden.
There we found a doctor of Kabal, who had just re-
turned from Bokhara Sherif, where he had realized
three thousand rupees by his practice. He was a
dwarfish, hook-nosed, morose old gentleman, and
disposed to have displayed his erudition had I coun-
tenanced him. He remarked, that he had known
two or three Feringhis, who administered mercury,
copperas, arsenic, and other poisons, while his own
practice was according to the genuine Yunani, or
Greek system, and safe.

A primary object of my rambles into the Kohis-
tan of Kabal was to ascertain if any vestiges existed
which I might venture to refer to Alexandria ad
Caucasum, the site of which, I felt assured, ought to
be looked for at the skirts of the Hindu Kosh in
this quarter. I had before reached the borders of
the plain of Begram, and had heard strange stoiies
of the innumerable* coins, and other relics, found on
the soil, but had been unable to procure a specimen.

PLAIN OF BEGBAM.

141

all to whom I applied, whether Hindu or Mussul-
man, denying they had any such things in posses-
sion. I now purposed to obtain ’from MirSaiyad
Khan a party of his retainers to enable me to tra-
verse and suryey the plain, which is dangerous to do,
owing to the marauders infesting it. He provided
half a dozen horsemen, a sufficient escort, as, being
known to the robbers, they are not interrupted by
. them. Having passed the large ruinous village Ghu-
1am Shah we arrived at Killa Bolend, on the brink
of the Kohistan basin, and at the commencement
of the plain. There were seven considerable Hindu
traders here, but we applied to them for coins in
vain. We therefore proceeded across the plain until
we reached a tope at the eastern extremity of Koh
Bacha, and near Jtilgha. Of this monument I
made a sketch, and noted my observations of the
country. When we were well back on our return
I dismissed Mir Saiyad Khan’s party, and we struck
across the plain to Killa Khwoja, a small village,
where we were welcomed by Malek Gafur, a friend of
my companion, Sirkerder Kamber. We heard fresh
tales of Begram, and the treasures found there, and
my curiosity was so intensely excited, that I deter-
mined to revisit it, taking with us Mir Afzil, the
malek’s son, who had friends in the vicinity. Ac-
cordingly, with him for our gu&e, we passed suc-
cessively the villages and castles of Deh Ghulam
Ali, Mahighii-, seated on the csftial of that name,
Killas Ghiilam and Jarula, Koh Deh, Killa Illaiyar,

142

COINS.

and Gujar Khel, beyond which was Killa Bolend.
We were there receiW by a dyer; and Mir Afzil
descended into tSie valley below to inquire for a
friend, residing at one of the castles of Baltd Khel.

I repaired to the roof of the dyer’^ house, and
wished to have taken bearings, but the wind was
too violent to permit me to remain at ease. Mir
Afzil returned with Baloch Khdn, a fine honest
young man, who brought me a present of melons -
and grapes. This was the commencement of an
acquaintance, which continued as long as I remained
at Kabal ; and Baloch Khan greatly assisted me in
my subsequent researches, as I could always, when
needed, call upon him and his armed followers to
attend me in my excursions, and to protect the peo-
ple I sent. He now exerted himself to procure
coins ; and at last an old defaced one was produced
by a Mahomedan, for which I gave two pais, which
induced the appearance of others, until the Hindus
ventured to bring forth their bags of old monies,
from which I selected such as suited my purpose. I
had the satisfaction to obtain in this manner some
eighty coins, of types which led me to anticipate
bright results from the future. The fears and scru-
ples of the owners had been overcome, and I re-
mained some time at Killa Bolend, securing their
confidence. It had been feared that I should employ
Mgaris, or forced labourers, to scour the plain in
search of antique <relics, on which account it had
been determined to conceal from me, if possible, their

REPORTS.

143

existence. I afterwards learned from a zirghar, or
goldsmith, of Charikar, that at the time I applied to
him he had three charaks, or about fifteen, pounds
in weight of old coins by him, which his companions
deterred him frpm exhibiting. I made myself well
informed as to the mode, and by whom these coins
were found ; and the clue to them once discovered,
the collection became an easy matter, although it
subsequently proved that a long time was necessary
before I became fully master of the plain. While
this traffic was carried on, the report had spread that
a Feringhi had come to engage soldiers, and cro-wds
came from the neighbouring castles to ascertain the
truth, and what pay was given. I now thought it
better to leave, and accordingly we retraced our
steps to Killa Khwoja.

We had intended to have made a long march next
day, but at the first castle we reached the sirkerder
was recognized by the people without, and we were
induced to remain there for the day. The castle
was built by one Musa Khin, since dead, and the
honom’s of our entertainment w'ei’e performed by
Assad Khdn, a fine youth, the younger of his two
sons living.

In the morning I ascended one of the towers of
the castle, and took, bearings, and after breakfast
we started on our road toward^' Kabal. As in
coming we had skirted the plain of Koh Daman to
the west, so in returning we sMrted its eastern
limits. Under the hills parallel to our course is the

144

KALLAKHAN.

site of a city, called, by tradition, Tatarang Zar. It
extends for a long distance, but appears to be a con-
tinuation of the ancient sepulchral grounds of Be-
gram, from which it is separated only by the river of
Koh Daman. Coins, trinkets, &c.,-are frequently
picked up on the surface. Passing the village of
Bdgh Alam, of one hundred houses, and then Killa
Kerimdad, we came upon the river, in a wide bed,
but the stream is inconsiderable. East of it was a^
hill called Chehel Dokhtaran, or the forty virgins,
who have as much celebrity in these countries as
the eleven thousand virgins of Cologne have in
Europe. Hence we passed the village Langar, of
sixty houses, and then a castle called Killa Godar ;
after which came the village of Bazari, containing
forty houses ; from which we proceeded to Kalla-
khan, where the sirkerder found a friend, one Zehin
Khan, who would not allow us to proceed farther.
K£lakhan is a large village of four hundred houses,
the greater part of which are fortified. Its revenue
is enjoyed by Ahmed Khan, son of the late Nawab
Samad Khan, and it is famed for raisins of superior
flavour. In the evening I mounted, for the purpose of
visiting a tope near Korrinder. W e passed to the left,
in succession, the small village of Mushwani, and the
larger one of Korrinder, then the castle of Rohilla
Khan, Popal Zai;.' Crossing a deep ravine, we came
to the seignorial castles of Ltichu Khan, held by the
family of Haji R^hmatulah, one of whose daughters
is the favourite wife of Dost Mahomed Khan, and

CHENI KHANA.

145

mother of his son Mahomed Akb^ Khan. Hence
turning to the east, we crossed the river of Koh
Daman, and struck easterly to the i;ope, on the emi-
nences overlooking the plain. I examined and
made a sketch»of the structure ; after which repaired
to another building, a little more easterly, and lower
down towards the river, called Cheni Kh^na. This
was an octagonal building, neatly constructed of ex-
• cellent kiln-burnt bricks. It had been originally
crowned with a cupola, and had been superbly
painted with flowers and other devices, in tints of
lapis lazuli, red, yellow, and other colours ; whence, I
presume, its modern appellation. It had four en-
trances from the several cardinal points with an
aberration of twenty degrees; but there was no
recess which could serve for a kabla, or to point it
out as a Mahomedan edifice. Within there was a
grave-stone, bearing a rather licentious copy of
verses, or epitaph, and the date 1211 of the Hejra,
which did not, consequently, apply to the edifice,
which certainly had an antiquity of some centuries.
It stands on an eminence, buttressed with masonry
to the north, west, and south. Having completed
inspection, we retrograded to Kallakhan.

In the morning we skirted the hills to the Kotal
of Mama Khatfln. On our right w'e had an im-
mense artificial mound, said to lenote the site of
an ancient fortress, and called Killa Rajput. Its
summit is now crowned by mud Wls, of compara-
tively recent construction. The kotal has an easy

VOL. III. L

146

ILTAFAT KHAN.

eommenceineiit, aiid a plain is crossed, for above half
a mile, when we reach a choki. Hence the ascent
is more marked /or two or three hundred yards, until
the summit is reached, where is a takht, or basement

of stones, from which we have a good view of the
plain of Kdra Dushman, and the countiy and hills
to the east. At the termination of the kotal, or
where commences the plain of Kara Dushman, is
the dilapidated castle built by Iltafat Khdn, Khwoja, ■■
in the serai appertaining to which we halted, to
avoid the meridian sun. The castle and lands are
farmed by N&ir Khairulah, for some four or five
thousand rupees annually ; and he is a most severe
landlord. A splendid masjit is attached to the
castle, but has been suffered to fall into decay. The
fine garden has been destroyed, and nothing of
verdure remains but an avenue of mulberry-trees,
leading from the foot of the kotal to the castle.
Iltafat Khan was a khwoja, or eunuch to the Sadu
Zai princes, and designed this castle, with its gar-
dens and establishments, which were most complete,
to perpetuate his name. The course of events has
made them crown property, and they are neglected,
as such property generally is. About three o’clock
we resumed our journey, and at three quarters of a
mile from the castle crossed a deep ravine, in which
was a small rivmet, which flows across the plain
to Killa Kaji, ahd eventually to Aga Serai. A
course of five mfles cleared us of the plain, and led
us to the foot of the Kotal Pah Minar, crossing

RETURN TO KABAL.

147

a low range of hills separating the plain of K4ra
Dushman from the pastures, or chainan ofVazira-
bad. At its southern base is the small” ruinous
village, called after the kotal, and a iittle beyond
it to the east, is the village Deh Yaiya. On the
crest of the kotal is a choki, from which an exten-
sive view is commanded, and we had ag-ain the
pleasure to behold before us Kabal and its environs.

* Descending into the plain, we passed to our right
a deserted castle, built by Mir Wais, and a large
tumulus. We had subsequently to wade through
a mass of stagnant water and mud, up to our horses’
girths, for nearly a mile, when we reached the castles
and villages of Bim&u, and then the Kaiaban of
Shah Zeman, from which we pushed on to the
Balia Hissar, closing a very agreeable excursion.

CHAPTER VII.

Collections of coins. — Jealousy.— Importance of discoveries.— An-
tiques.— Site of Begram.— Hill ranges.— Neighbourhood of B6- '
gr^m.— Tope,— Character of the Kohistdn.— Magnificent view.

—Boundaries of B6gram.— Evidences. — Mounds. — Tumuli.

Stones.— Site of city. — Deposits with the dead Testimony of

Herodotus.— Funereal jars.— Traditions.— Mode of sepulture.—
Absence of data.— Hupian.— Canal M^highir.— -Taimur’s co-
lony.— Decline of Begrdm,— Signification of B6gram.— B6grdm
of Kdbal. — Begrfim of Jelalabdd. — Begr&n of Peshawer. Ety-

mology.— Topes — Antiquities of Kohistan. — Perw^n.— Begh
Kawan.— Loeahties in PanjsMr.-Caves in Nijrow.— Vestiges
m Taghow.— Ruins in Ghorband.— Caves.— Zidrat.

The discovery of so interesting a locality as that
of Begram imposed upon me new, agreeable, and I
should hope, not unprofitable employment. I avail-
ed myself of every opportunity to visit it, as well
with the view to secure the rich memorials of past

ages it yielded as to acquire a knowledge of the
adjacent country.

Before the commencement of winter, when the
plain, covered wife snow, is of course closed to re-
search, I had accifmulated one thousand eight hun-
dred and sixty-fiVe- copper coins, besides a few silver
ones, many rings, signets, and other relics. The

COLLECTIONS OF COINS. 149

next year, 1834, the collection ^which fell into my
hands amounted to one thousand nine hundred cop-
per coins, besides other relics. In 1^35 it increased
to nearly two thousand five hundred copppr coins, and
in 1836 it augmented to thirteen thousand four hun-
dred and seventy-four copper coins. In 1837, when
I had the plain well under control, and was enabled
constantly to locate my people upon it, I obtained
•sixty thousand copper coins, a result at which I was
well pleased, having at an early period of my re-
seai'ches conjectured that so many as thirty thou-
sand coins might annually be procured. The whole
of the coins, and other antiquities, from Begram, with
several thousands of other coins, brought to light in
various parts of Afghanistan, have been forwarded
to the Honourable the East India Company.

The failure of the Kabal mission in 1838 com-
pelled me to leave the country and to susjiend my
labours. I had found, that I was not pei*mitted to
prosecute them without suffering from jealousy in
certain quarters, and when I was desirous to resume
them in 1840, the hostility of a miserable fraction
of the Calcutta clique prevented my purpose, by acts
as unprecedented, base, and illegal, as, perhaps, were
ever pei-petrated under the sanction of authority
against a subject of the British crown.

It may be superfluous to dwell^upon the import-
ance of the B%ram collections independently of
the revelation of unknown kings alid dynasties, they
impart great positive knowledge, and open a wide

150 IMPORTANCE OF DISCOVERIES.

field for speculation and inquiry on the very mate-
rial subjects of the languages and religions prevail-
ing in 0entral Asia during the dark periods of its
history. Astonishing as are many of the conclusions
forced upon us, because in opposition to opinions
before current, and now proved to he erroneous, it
is a sourqe of unqualified satisfaction that not only
has the progress of discovery confirmed the veracity
of our justly esteemed classical authorities, hut at-
every new step it teaches us to appreciate the value
of our Scriptural records, which alone have preserved
a rational account of the growth and spreading of
the human race.

Besides coins, B%ram has yielded very large
numbers of engraved seals, some of them with in-
scriptions, figures of men and animals, particularly
of birds, cylinders, and parallelogramic amulets with
sculptured sides, rings, and a multitude of other
trinkets, and miscellaneous articles, genemlly of brass
and copper ; many of which are curious and de-
serve description. The reasons which confine me to
a mere allusion to the results of my researches at
B%ram need not restrict me as regards the locality,
which, besides its pretensions to be considered Alex-
andria ad Caucasum, has other claims to notice.
It occurs about twenty-five miles in a direct dis-
tance fi-om the present city of K4bal, and is situated
at the south-eastf point of the level country of the
KohistM, in an Ingle formed by the approach of a
lofty and extensive mountain range, trending from

SITE OF BEGRAM.

151

the superior Caucasus on the one side, and by an
inferior range, (the Siah Koh,) on the other. The
former range, while it separates the Kohistan from
the populous valley of Nijrow to the east, defines
to the west the course of the lengthened valley
of Panjshir. The latter range, commencing about
fifteen miles east of Kabal, stretches to ^the north,
and gradually sinks into the plain of Begram.

* Through a break in this range, called Tang-i-Khar6nj
nearly east from Kabal, flows the united streams
of Kabal and Loghar, which, surmounting a magni-
ficent fall, winds among the hilly districts in its
course to Lughman and Jel^ahad. The range it-
self forms a prominent feature in the landscape
of Kabal, displaying a bold precipitous front, and,
being of gneiss, has the appearance of being strati-
fied. Behind, or east of the Sidh Koh, is a hilly,
not mountainous, tract, although waste and desolate,
named Koh Safi, from the tribe that pasture their
flocks in it ; and this tract intervenes between the
Slab Koh and the valley of Taghow; moreover,
through it meanders the river of the Kohistan,
until, at a spot near Siirbi, it unites with the river
of Kabal. Through the open space formed by the
approach of the above noted ranges the river of
Kohistan, fonned by the accession of the larger
streams of Panjshir, Perwdn, ?gid Ghorband, with
the minor rivulets of Kohista% and Koh Daman,
directs its course, describing, al the point where
it quits the basin of the Kohistan, the northern

152 NEIGHBOUEHOOD OF BEGRAM.

boundary of the plain of Begram. Parallel to the
river, also leads the high road from the Kohistan
to Nijrow, Taghow, and Jelalabad.

Begram is comprised within an extensive district
called Khwoja Khedari. To the nojth, it has an
abrupt descent into the cultivated lands and pas-
tures of the Baltu Khel and KerimdM Khel fa-
milies, which interpose between it and the river
for the extent of perhaps a mile, or until the river
reaches the base of a singular eminence called Burj
Abdulah, which, from the remains of walls and
mounds on its summit, was undoubtedly an appur-
tenance of the ancient city. Beyond, or east of
Burj Abdulah, another small space, devoted to cul-
ture, with two or three castles, called Karaichi,
fills a curvature in the direction of the abrupt
boundary of the plain with the course of the river.
Beyond extends a low detached hill, called Koh
Bacha, for about a mile and half, separating for
that distance the level dasht from the river." At
the eastern extremity of Koh Bacha is one of those
remarkable structures we call topes ; and on the
opposite, or northern side of the river, are the
castles and cultivated lands of Mahomed Irakhi,
and beyond them a sterile sandy tract gradually
ascends to a celebrated hill and ziarat, called
Khwoja Regh Ra^^^n, an interesting point in the
scenery from Begrfin, and thence to the skirts of
the superior hill range above mentioned, high up
on which the g^dens of the village of Durnameh,

SCENERY IN THE KOHISTAN. 153

(a corruption of Dur Nam^lil, or conspicuous from
afar,) are visible. This village is famous as a resi-
dence of a desperate band of robbers, who infest
their vicinity in general, and the plain of Begram
in particular ; .,also for affording asylum and pro-
tection to the outlaws of KAbal. East of the tope,
the level plain stretches for above a mile, until,
with the same character of abrupt termination, it
»sinl5;s into the low lands of Julgha, where are
numerous castles, much cultivated land, and, as the
name Julgha implies, a large extent of pasture.

The Kohistan, it may be observed, and which
may better show the position of B%ram, is a punch-
bowl, or basin, on three sides surrounded by hills,
and on the fourth, or southern side, by a compa-
ratively elevated tract, which forms, as it were,
the rim, and runs sinuously from Tutam Dara — ■
the point where issues into the basin the river of
Ghorband — and passing, as we have seen, the plain
of Begram, extends easterly to Julgha. This basin
may have a circumference of thirty-five to forty
miles. The higher lands of B%ram on the one side,
and of Mahomed Irakhi on the opposite one, form
the spout to this basin, from which descend its
waters upon the lower countries eastward. The
coup d’ceil presented is most magnificent ; the
winding courses of the rivers, t]^ picturesque ap-
pearance of the gardens and cities, the verdure
of the pastures, the bold and varied aspect of the
environing hills, crowned by the snowy summits
V

154 BOUNDARIES OF BEGRAM.

of the Hindu Kosh,^ form a landscape whose beauty
can scarcely be conceived but by those who have
witnessed it. The natives of these countries are
apt to coippare it with the scenery about Herat
and the Kohistan of Meshed, but they, as well
as the neighbourhood of Ispahm, which is very
beautiful, must yield the palm to the Kohistan of
Kabal.

The boundaries of the dasht of Begram are the'
lands of Julgha to the east, the level plain of
Mahighir to the west, the river of Kohistan to the
north, and to the south what is called the river of
Koh Daman. At the north-west angle of the dasht
is the small village of Killa Bolend, where reside
a few Hindu traders, who have considerable inter-
course Avith the neighbouring hill tribes, and at the
south-west angle are three castles, called Killa Yez-
bashi, distant from Killa Bolend about four miles.

Notwithstanding the vast numbers of relics
discovered on the plain, other evidences that a city
once stood on it are not so palpable as to have
attracted extraordinary attention, had it not been
imperatively directed to the locality from the cir-
cumstance of the discovery of the numerous and sin-
gular antique treasures at it. In many places, indeed,
it has been proved, that by digging about a yard
in depth, lines of - cement, seeming to denote the
outlines of struc^-es and their apartments, may
be found. On the edge of the plain to the north,
where it abruptly sinks into the low lands of

LARGE MOUNDS.

155

Baltu Khel, from Killa Bolend to KaraicM is a
line of artificial mounds ; but sucb objects are so
universal in occurrence tbrougbcfut tbe •Afghan
countries that, in ordinary instances, they might
claim only a cursory notice. On the summit of
the eminence called Burj Abdulah are the re-
mains of stone walls, marking a square enclosure;
they are, however, loosely arranged, and, I should
•* rather conjecture, denote the remains of a more
recent castle than an edifice of the ancient Be-
gi-am ; some mounds, however, found on it, may
have a greater antiquity. South of, and conti-
guous to Burj Abdulah, are some mounds of great
magnitude, and accurately describing a square, of
considerable dimensions. On one side of this
square, in 1833, the exterior front of the mound
subsided deep into the earth, and disclosed that
these mounds were constructed of huge unbumt
bricks, two spans square and one span thick. This
accident also enabled me to ascertain that the
original breadth of these stupendous walls, for such
we must suppose them to have been, could not
have been less than sixty feet, while it may have
been much more. Among the mounds near Killa
Bolend is a large tumulus, which appeare to have
been coated with thin squares of white marble ;
and near it, in a hollow formed in the soil, is a
large square stone, which the^ Mahomedans call
Sang Eustam (Rustam’s ^ stone) ; and which the
Hindus, without knowing why, reverence so far

156

SCULPTURED REMAINS.

as to pay occasional visits to it, to daub it with
sindur, or red-lead, and to light lamps at it. In
the Mahomedan' burial-ground of Killa Bolend is
a fragment of sculptured green stone, made to serve
as a head-stone to a grave ; above four feet is above
ground, and we were told as much more was con-
cealed below. This is a relique of the ancient
city ; and we meet with another and larger but
plain green stone applied to a similar purpose in
a burial-place called Shehidan, or the place of
martyrs, under Koh Bacha. In a ziarat at Chari-
is also a fragment of sculptured green stone ;
and it is remarkable, that all fragments of stone
which we discovered, and which we may suppose
to have reference to the ancient city, are of the
same species of coloured stone. The inhabitants
of these parts are now ignorant whence it was
procured, although, doubtless, from the inferior
hills of the Caucasus to the north, where steatite
is so abundant that the people dwelling in them
make their cooking utensils of it; and steatite,
with jade, and other magnesian green stones, are
found together in the lower hills of the Safed Koh
range, south of the valley of Jelalabad.

In specifying the extensive limits over which
coins and other relics are brought to light, we
must not be understood as conveying the notion
that the entire spkce defined by them was once
filled by a city. We should rather suppose not,
and that it is to the ancient burial-grounds of the

ANCIENT BURIAL-GROUNDS. 157

former city we are indebted for the supplies of
curiosities we meet with. If asked to assign the
site of the city, I should, fixing the enormous
square enclosure south of Burj Abdulah as the fort,
or citadel, locate it between those remains and
the western portion of the plain, or towards Killa
Bolend and Mahighir, in which space coins are
found in far less number, while scorice, lumps of
4ron, fragments of glazed earthenware (the latter
a peculiar token, in opposition to the common
baked pottery which is scattered over the whole
plain,) are found more abundantly than in other
spots. In this part also, besides the remains of
walls, may be traced the courses of the ancient
canals, by their parallel lines of embankment. The
presence of mounds, the casual discovery of coins,
and other antiques, are generally supposed to indi-
cate the site of a city, whereas, they may only point
out that of its burial-grounds ; a distinction worthy
of notice, when the detection of an actual site is
important, and which might possibly be usefully
applied to some of the celebrated old sites in the
world, as Babylon, Nineveh, &c., particularly when
we have reason to believe that, with the ancients,
their burial-places were without the city, and in-
dependent of it. The probability that the great
numbers of coins and other reliques, discovered
on the dasht of Begram, are merely deposits with
the ashes of the dead, as prescribed by the usages
and superstitions of former times, is strengthened

158

BURNING OF THE DEAD.

by the knowledge that such deposits were in practice,
and the articles found alike confirm it. Coins were
mingle4 'with them, that the expense of transit
over the rivers of Paradise might be provided for ;
as with the Greek or Roman corpse was placed
a fee for the ferryman Charon. Rings, seals, beads,
ear-rings, small images, &:c., were either the pro-
perty of the deceased or the votive offerings of
friends ; arrow-heads, frequently occurring, may-
mean that the deceased was a warrior, or that he
was fond of archery. The collections from Begram
have furnished a great variety of engraved signets,
and many gems, curious as specimens of art, with
multitudes of small sculptured animals, particularly
of birds. A passage in Herodotus, while it admir-
ably accounts for the production of many of the
relics elicited in the burial-grounds of ancient
Babylon, serves also to explain why similar results
should be obtained in those of Begram. Speaking
of the old inhabitants of Babylon, he says, “ Each
person has a seal-ring, and a cane, or walking-
stick, upon the top of which is carved an apple,
a rose, a lily, an eagle, or some figure or other,

for to have a stick without a device is unlaw-
ful.”

The immense distribution of fragments of pottery
may be satisfactoyly explained, when we recollect
that the mode paiticularly prevalent of treating
the bodies of the dead was by cremation, then
collecting the, ashes and lodging them in earthem

SIFTED EAETH.

159

jars, whicli were finally deposited beneatli the soil.
These funereal jars, in the eours*e of ages, have be-
come affected by damp, and consequently , fragile,
as by the abrasion of the surface of the soil they
and their fragments have become exposed ; hence
we discover the fragments mixed with the soil, and
the coins and other relics originally deposited with
them. Entire jars are, indeed, sometimes found ;
,and the lines of cement, before noted, as discover-
able about a yard beneath the surface, if horizontal,
may indicate the floors on which these jars were
placed ; and, if perpendicular, the separation of one
deposit from the other.

The traditions of the country assert the city of
Begram to have been the Sheher Yun4n, or Greek
city, overwhelmed by some natural catastrojjlie,
and the evidence of its subterranean lines and
apartments is appealed to in support of them. If
we have rightly conjectured their nature, they are
found only in their natural position, and afibrd
evidence of another kind. The present Hindus
call the site Balram, and suppose it to have been
the capital of Raja Bal.

There is a peculiar feature attending the deposit
of the sepulchral jars, that not only was it neces-
sary to cover them with earth, but it was essential
that the earth should contain no stones or other
extraneous substances. So particular was this
deemed that in many situations on the ascent of
hills, where earth could not be found, it has clearly

160 MYSTERY AS TO ORIGIN OF BEGRAM,

been brought from the plains beneath, and always
carefully sifted, fn all the old burial-places of
Afghanistan we witness the feeling as manifestly
as if expressed oh a Roman tomb-stone, Sit tibi
terra levis. In traversing the dasht of B%ram
not a stone is met with ; the reason obviously,
that the surface is actually composed of the pre-
pared earth, spread over the ancient places of
sepulture.

It is mortifying, when making inquiries as to
the former history of a site, on which we find
coins of ages in regular succession from Alex-
ander to the Mahomedan era, to learn no better
account of it than the traditions above-mentioned
afford, and while we are compelled to conjecture
doubtingly upon its origin, to have no precise data
on which even to estimate the period of its decay
and final ruin. That it existed for some centuries
after the Mahomedan invasion of these countries,
is proved by the vast numbers of Cufic coins found
at it ; which, moreover, seem to show that the
early conquerors of Islam- did not particularly in-
terfere with the religion of the conquered, or of
such that submitted to their temporal dominion,
as the practice of cremation must have been con-
tinued, and would not have been followed had
the people become Mahomedans. It is not, in-
deed, improbable that this city, like many others,
may owe its destruction to the implacable Jenghiz ;
but, if so, we ought to detect some notice of it

CANAL OF MAHIGHIR. 161

in the extant histories of that conqueror, and of
his period.

Without aifecting the probability, that at P%ram,
or in its immediate neighbourhood, was the site
of Alexandria ad Caucasum, it will be remembered
that the narratives of Chinese travellers expressly
state that, subsequently, there was a capital city
in this part of the country called Hupian. A
^locality of this name still exists between Charik^
and Tutam Dara ; and I have noted that it possesses
many vestiges of antiquity ; yet, as they are exclu-
sively of a sepulchral and religious character, the
site of the city to which they refer may rather be
looked for at the actual village of Malek Hupiin,
on the plain below, and near Charikar, by which
it may have been replaced as the principal town,
as, more anciently, it superseded another, perhaps
Alexandria itself.

That Begram ceased to exist at the time of
Taimur’s expedition into India we have negative
proof, furnished by his historian, Sherifadin, who
informs us that Taimur, in his progress from
Anderib to Kabal, encamped on the plain of
Bar^n (the modern Baiydn, certainly) ; and that
while there he directed a canal to be cut, which
was called Mdhighir ; by which means the country,
before desolate and unproductive, became fertile
and full of gardens. The lands, thus restored to
cultivation, the conqueror apportioned among sun-
dry of his followers. The canal of Mahighir exists

VOL. III. ‘ vr

162

SITE OF BEGRAM,

at this day, preserving the name conferred upon
it hy Taimur. K considerable village, about a
mile west of Begr^, standing on the canal, has
a similar appellation, and probably also owes its
origin to Taimur, who may have attempted in it
to have revived or renewed the ancient city. This
canal of Mahighir, derived from the river of the
Ghorband valley, at the point where it issues from
the hills into the basin of the Kohistm, irrigates^
the lands of Baiy^ and Mahighir, and has a coui'se
of about ten miles. Had the city of Begrfei then
existed these lands immediately to the west of
it would not have been waste, and neglected ;
neither would Taimur have found it necessary to
cut his canal, as the city, when existing, must have
been supplied with water from the same source, that

is, from the river of Ghorband, and from the same
point, that is, at the exit of its waters from the
hills into the basin ; and the canals supplying the
city must have been directed through these very
lands of M^ighir and Baiyan, which Taimur found
waste and unproductive. The site of Begram,
although having to the north the great river of
the Kohistan, could not have been irrigated from

it, as its stream flows in low land, considerably
beneath the level of the dasht, besides being too
distant. On the south it has the river of Koh
Daman ; but this, while only partially and casually
provided with water, runs in a sunken bed, and
is alike inapplicable to the purposes of irrigation.

THE APPELLATION BEGRAM. 163

It may be farther noted with reference to the
colonization of Mahighir by Taimur, that the in-
habitants of Khwoja Khedarl, while forgetful as to
whom their forefathers owed their settlement in
this country, jgicknowledge their Turk! descent, and
alone of ail the inhabitants of the Kohistkn speak
the Turk! language.

The appellation B6gram, although it may be
^ questioned whether such was ever the peculiar
name of the city, must still be considered indicative
of the former importance of the site it now de-
signates ; undoubtedly signifying the chief city, the
capital, the metropolis. Still, it must be borne in
mind, especially, when considering the coins found
on it, that it must generally have been a provincial
capital. About three miles east of Kabal we have
a village and extensive pasture retaining the name
of Begram ; and if we inquire whether we have any
vestiges of a former city at the spot, numerous
mounds, and a series of magnificent topes on the
skirts and in the recesses of the neighbouring hills
to the south, seem to attest the fact — and would
denote, might we infer from the single coin found
in one of these buildings by M. Honigberger, who
examined them, that the capital of King Mokad-
phises, or Kadphises, and his lineage, was there
located ; or, should not that inference be granted,
that a city of some consequence existed here, for
the structure was probably, if not connected with that
sovereign, erected in his time. Two large cities

U 2

■ t-:

■V

164 BEGEAM OF JELALABAD.

could scarcely have been located so close together
as Begram and the present Kabal, therefore it is
possible 4hat the predecessor of the modern city
may have been Begram (under, however, some other
and peculiar name), on the banks of the river of
Loghar, which winds through its meadows. A
character of sanctity is yet preserved to the Loghar
river in this spot, for to the adjacent village of
Shevaki the Hindus of Kabal annually repair to
celebrate the vesak holidays.

Near Jelalabad a spot called B%ram, about a
mile and half or two miles west of the present town,
would seem to denote the site of the former capital
of the province ; and that a city has flourished here,
with its periods of importance and prosperity, we
are not permitted to doubt ; not merely by con-
sidering the actual state of the country and the
advantages of position, but from the existence in
the neighbourhood of three distinct series of topes,
at Darunta, Chahar Bagh, and Hidda, without enu-
merating independent and isolated ones. The vici-
nity ofB%ram, indeed the entire plain of Jelalabad,
is literally covered with tumuli and mounds. These
are truly sepulchral monuments, but, with the topes,
sanction the inference that a very considerable city
existed here, or that it was a place of renown for
sanctity. It may have been both. Tradition aflSrms,
that the city on the plain of Jelalabad was called
Ajtina, and alike asserts that ' the ancient Lahore
was there; which may mean, that prior to the para-

ETYMOLOGY OF BEGRAM. 165

mount sovereignty in these copntries being possess-
ed by Lahore (it must be remembered it was so
when Mahmud of Ghazni first invaded India), it
was established here.

Near Peshawer we have a spot also called Be-
grdm, distinguished by its mounds and tamarisk-
trees, marking the site of an ancient city; and that
this epithet of eminence and distinction was con-
tinned up to a recent date we learn from Baber and
Abul Fazil.

The term be-gram appears composed of the
Turki be or bi (chief) and the Hindi “gram” (city);
the latter word, while still colloquially employed
by the people on the banks of the Indus, was once
probably of more general use in the countries of
the Afghans, but has been superseded by the Per-
sian “ sheher,” and “abad,” with the Hindi “piir.”
Besides these four Begrams, there is Oshter-gram in
the Kohistan; Sal-gram, a Hindu ziarat in Panjshir ;
Pesh-grain, in Bajor; No-gram, in Panchta, &c., all
sites of considerable antiquity.

It has been observed that at the extremity of
Koh Bacha is a tope, which on examination fur-
nished no useful result. Judging from its appear-
ance, it has not so great an antiquity as many others
near K^bal and at Jelalabad.

There is another at Alisai, ten or twelve miles
east of Begr^, between the valleys of Niji-ow and
Taghow; and there is again another and superior
one at Tope Dara, near Charik&, which may reason-

166 ANTIQUITIES OF KOHISTAN.

ably be supposed to, have been constructed under
the princes of Hupian. A fourth, moreover, occurs
at Korriifdar, midway between Begram and Kabal ;
but it has unfortunately happened that no one of
these several monuments has yielded evidences
upon which we might decide upon its origin or
date.

The KohistAn of Kdbal abounds with vestiges of
its ancient inhabitants ; they are chiefly, if not ex-
clusively, of a sepulchral character, but their greater
or less extent with the numbers and varieties of
the coins and other relics found at them, may
authorize us to form an estimate of the importance
of the places which we infer W'ere situated near
them. Admitting such criteria, a city of magni-
tude must have existed at Perwdn, about eight
miles, bearing north nineteen west, from Bdgr^,
consequently that distance nearer to the great
range of* Caucasus, under whose inferior hills it
is in fact found. Coins are discovered there in
large numbers, and there is also a cave remarkable
for its dimensions ; while in the hills which sepa-
rate it from Sir Aulang, is a takht, or square stone
monument, the sides of which are girt with deco-
rative mouldings. The site in Perwan is called
by Mahomedans Merwan, and by Hindus Milwin.

At Korahtas, east of the famed hill and ziarat
Regh Rawan, and on the opposite side of the river
to Begram, from which it is distant about six miles,
•bearing north forty-eight east, coins are nume-

SUBTEEBANEAN CAVE.

167

rously found, and we have tie usual tokens of
mounds, fragments of pottery, &c., with remains
of works in masonry about the hills, which bearing
now the appellation of Killa Kafr',., are in truth
sepulchral repositories.

At the hill of Regh Rawin (flowing sand), re-
markable for the bed of sand lying upon its
southern face, which gives it both its name and
’‘singular appearance, is a subterranean cave, which
has a descent by hewn, or artificial stairs, and may
therefore be supposed to mean something more
than the ordinary rock cave. It has never been
duly explored, and there might be danger in the
attempt to descend into it. The M^homedans have
made it a ziarat, and have an idea that it is the
spot whence their expected Imam Medi will issue
upon earth; and they believe that on roz Juma, or
sacred Friday, the sounds of nagaras, or drums, may
be heard in it. It may be observed, that the Ma-
homedan shrines, or by far the greater part of
them throughout these countries, were originally
those of the former idolatrous inhabitants, whose
conversion to Islam was doubtless facilitated by
the policy which dictated the conservation of their
sacred localities, so dear to them fi-om past asso-
ciations and custom. A compromise was made
between them and their converters, similar to that
between the Prophet and his Arabs, by which the
adored black stone of the latter became the kaba
of the faith propagated by the former.

168

SILVER MINES.

In the valley of P^njshir are considerable vestiges,
at three distinct localities ; one near the castle of
Saifula ln Dara Ferbaj; another in Dara Baz&ak,
near the castle of Zamrud Khto. It has before
been casually remarked, that there?’ is in Panjshir
a place of peculiar religious repute, called by the
Hindus Sal-gram, although, from the lawless habits
of the natives of Panjshir, they seldom venture to
visit it. The Hindus also consider the word Panj-?
shir (the five lions) as referring to the five sons
of Pandu. The valley is even now populous and
fertile, and in former times, when these countries
were held in due and firm control, must have
been of consequence, as affording a facile com-
munication with Badaksh^. It had, moreover,
a distinct and intrinsic value in its silver mines,
which were worked in remote times, as we, are
told by Abulfeda. There is reason to believe that
this metal, in common with many others, abounds
in the secondary hills of the Caucasus. The inha-
bitants of Panjshir, esteemed by their neighbours,
and so calling themselves, Tdjiks, while they speak
Persian, also understand the Pashai language.

In Nijrow, as in other valleys of this country,
are abxmdance of mounds and caves. While I
was at Kabal chance brought to light a large
collection of caves which had formerly been con-
cealed under eaiih. Some of them were described
as curious, and their discovery was a subject of
wonder for the day to the inhabitants. North-

VESTIGES IN TAGHOW.

169

east of this valley are a few villages belonging to
families still retaining the name of Pashai. The
natives of Nijrow, esteemed Tajiks^ and conversing
with strangers in Persian, generally discourse in
Pashai with ea^h other.

The large valley of Taghow has many vestiges
of its ancient inhabitants, and large parcels of coins
have been found among them. It is now held by
^ the Sdfi, reputed an Afghan tribe ; but one of its
most considerable daras, or minor valleys, is named
Pashian. The tope of Alisai, between Nijrow and
Taghow, has been before alluded to.

In the valley of Ghorband, separated from Koh
Daman to the west by a high hill range stretching
from the Hindu Kosh, are many and important
remains of ancient times. This valley has a direc-
tion towards Bamian, the Haz&a districts of the
Shekh All tribe, and of Shibr intervening. At a
spot called Nilab are the ruins of an ancient
fortress on the river, which even during the last
few years have been rendered more palpably ruins
by Dost Mahomed Khan, who employed elephants
in the work of destruction ; fearful that his nephew,
Habib Ulah Khdn, whose authority he had con-
tributed to overthrow at Kabal, might have fled
to it, and have renewed its defences. At Fulojird,
and FerinjM are remarkable caves; the latter of
which Wilford had heard of, and with reference
to Hindu traditions was willing to consider the
cave of Pramathas, or Prometheus.

170

GHARUK TABBI.

In Gliorband is ^ celebrated Hindu ziarat, wbicb
they call Gh^uk Tabbi, the equivalent of Baba
Adam, Trbich merits notice, remembering Wilford’s
notions that„Bamian was the Mosaical Eden, — ^not
that I believe it was, but as showing how that
singular, but always talented, man’s inquiries were
directed.

CHAPTER VIII.

M. Honlgberger. — His antiquarian operations, — Dr. Gerard. —
Adventures of M. Honigberger. — Departure for Jelalabad. — ■
Id Gab. — Incivility. — Bhut Khak. — Defile of Sokhta Chanar.
— Ghilji guide. — S6h Bdba. — Barik-ab. — Taghow. — Sang Toda
Baber Padshah. — Jigdillik. — Kotal Jigdillik. — Surkh Pul. —
Old acquaintance. — Khalil Khan’s story. — Samfiches. — Trouble-
some night. — Khalil Khan’s death. — Gandamak. — Nimla. —
Balia Bagh. — Tatang. — Ascent of Siah Koh. — Caves. —
Kajari. — Goraichi. — KiUa Kafr. — Cascades. — Extensive view.
— Shrine of Lot. — Large graves. — Shrine of Lamech. — Opi-
nions of the people.—Scriptural names. — The Pali. — Scriptural
and classical testimony. — Pali conquests. — Early civilization. —
Diffusion of their sciences and language. — Judicial astrology.-—
Universality of Pall language. — Names of localities. — Shrines.

On my return to Kibal from my first excursion
to Begram I had the pleasure to meet M. Martine
Honigberger, from Lahore, who proposed, via Bok-
hara, to regain his native country. My visits to
this gentleman caused me to see frequently the
Nawab Jabar Khan, with whom he resided; and
that nobleman issued a standing order that he
should be informed whenever I came, and made
it a point to favour us with his company. With
M. Honigberger I made a trip to Shakr Dara, with
the view of ascending the high hill Hous Khast,

172 M. HONIGBERGER.

but the season being too early we failed to do so,
and I nearly perished in the attempt. M. Ho-
nigberger subsequently examined several of the
topes near Kabal, and then proceeded to Jelalabad,
under the Nawab’s protection, where he instituted
a series of operations on the Darunta group; and
had not his apprehensions been excited by certain
rumours as to the intentions of Nawab Mahomed
Zeman Khan, and Sirdar Stilts Mahomed Kb^p
of Peshdwer, then a guest of the Nawab, it is pos-
sible little would have remained for my ultimate
examination. As it was, he precipitately retired
to Kdbal. His labours have had the advantage of
having been made known to the European world
by the late regretted Eugene Jacquet. At the
close of autumn our European society was aug-
mented by the arrival of Dr. Gerard, the companion
of Lieutenant Burnes, and a few days after his de-
parture for Ludfana M. Honigberger set out with
a kifila for Bokh&a.

At Ak Robat, a march beyond BSmian, he was
maltreated and plundered. Dost M^omed Kh^n,
I fear, was not innocent in this matter; nor does
it extenuate his guilt that he was led to sanction
the injury offered to M. Honigberger by the re-
presentations of the profligate Abdul Samad. Niaz
Maomed, the governor of Bamian, was a creature
of the latter; and the chief of K4bal while he
furmshed M. Honigberger with letters directing
every attention to be paid to him, placed his seal

HIS TREATMENT AT AK ROBAT. 173

on the wrong side of the paper, by which it was
understood that the reverse of what was written
was to be done by those to whom .they were ad-
dressed. Private instructions of course did the rest ;
and it would appear that M. Honigberger very nar-
rowly escaped being put to death. Abdul Samad
complained that he had met with ill-treatment at the
hands of the French officei’s in the Panj&b. Sub-
sequently the Nawab Jab& Khm purchased from
Niaz Mdhomed some, or all, of the articles plundered,
and sent them to M. Allard at Lahore, for trans-
mission to M. Honigberger. The aifair created a
great expression of disgust at K^bal, indeed Dost
Mahomed Kh^n, in removing Nlaz Mahomed from
the government of Bamidn soon after, made his
criminal conduct the plea for his disgrace. The
nawib was anxious that I should reside with him
whert M. Honigberger left, but I declined, as I was
doing very well where I was, and purposed to repair
to Jelalabad for the winter.

I was about to start, when the nawab entreated me
to defer my departure for a few days, and accom-
pany him. As I did not consent, the good-natured
nobleman sent me a message to the effect that
he would come to my house in the Balia Hiss^r,
and have me locked up. I could not divine the
meaning of his solicitude, but nevertheless detei-
mined upon proceeding, when, finding I was not to
be diverted from my purpose, he made me promise
that I would go to his castle at Tatang, and not

174 ID GAH.

quit it until he came. So much arranged, he di-
rected a Ghilji, Gul Mdhomed, to be ready to ac-
company me, and instructed me, at the first stage
of Bhut Khak, to pass the night at his castle.

I left K4bal with my own servants ; the Ghilji
guide, and a mirza who had agreed to become one
of our party, being to join us at the nawab’s castle
at Bhut Khak. I had not seen the castle, and had
been misdirected, or had misunderstood the direc-
tions given to me, and made for Killa Mosan, un-
der the ridge bounding the plain of Kabal to the
south. In route from the Derwaza Shih She-
hid we passed the eminence and ziarat of Si4h
Sang to your left, overlooking the Id Gah, or space
where the annual and public festivals are cele-
brated, and where, in expeditions to the east, the
pesh-khana, or advanced tents of the chiefs; are
pitched preparatory to the assembly of the army,
and to marching. In the short distance between
this spot and the Derwfiza Shfih Shehid, about half
a mile, the unfortunate Shih Sujah al Mulkh
would appear to have been assassinated.

Crossing the small rise, called Kotal Yek Lan-
gar, with the ruinous castle of Killa Gurji on its
crest, we descended into the plain of Kamari, a vil-
lage of that name' being to our right, and to our
left another, called Killa Ahmed Khdn. At this
point also the road is intersected by the canal Jui
Khwoja, derived from the Loghar river, which at
some distance farther we crossed by a dilapidated

REPULSE.

175

bridge of brick-work and masonry, tbe village of
Begr^m lying immediately to our right. A little
beyond the river , we struck acrfjss the plain to-
wards Killa Mosan, believing it to be the nawab’s
castle. We found our error; but its Afghan occu-
pants were very willing we should have passed the
night with them. We declined their proffered ci vi-
rility with thanks, and made across the plain in a
northerly direction for the nawib’s castle. Mid-
way we passed Bhut Khak, a large enclosed
agricultural village, desolate in appearance, but
memorable in the traditions of the country as
the place where Sdlt^ Mahmdd broke up the
idols of Samndth, whence its name. On arrival at
the nawSrb’s castle I was surprised to meet with
an uncivil reception. I inquired for Mukhtahar
Khan, the intendant, to whom the duty of receiving
us fell, and the fellow did not deign to notice me.
I accordingly turned to the right-about, and retro-
graded to Bhut Khak, where I passed the night in
the samuches, or caves, which are, indeed, usual halt-
ing-places for kafilas and travellers. Bhut Khak is
the station of a karijghir, or collector of duties, and
has a fine rivulet to the east. The samuches in
which we lodged have their corresponding small
tumuli, proving the character of the spot. The vil-
lage is the last occurring on the plains of Kabal to
the east, and beyond it commences the hilly coun-
try, extending to Jeldlabad. In a line to the south
of it terminates the ridge of Shakh Baranta, around

176 DEFILES OF SOKHTA CHANAR.

whose extremity leads the high road to Khurd Ka-
bal, or little Kabal/ and T 4 zin.

Early, in the> morning I despatched one of my
people to the nawab’s castle to ascertain whether
the mirza had arrived. He met him coming to
me, with a host of the naw^b’s people, sent from
Kabal by their master to do me honour. They
were much chagrined at the untoward reception I
experienced from Mukhtah^ Khin, and said they
were at a loss what report to make to their master.
I found afterwards that the man’s incivility cost
him his employment, and I had the task of inter-
ceding for his pardon and reinstatement. The
Ghilji guide did not, however, make his appearance,
and deciding to move on without him, we debated
as to what road should be followed, and that of
Sokhta ChanM was fixed upon. Accordingly, we
crossed the rivulet of Bhut Khak, and traversing
an uneven undulating tract, entered the hills on
our right. At their entrance was a small valley,
with the remains of a castle, a little cultivated
land, and a clear rivulet. From it the road led
through a continued defile, and we were embarrass-
ed by ice and frozen snow, particularly during the
first part of our progress, when a rivulet accompa-
nied us. On reaching a spot with a few samuches
we halted, and were joined by the Ghilji, commis-
sioned by the nawab to attend us, who proved to
be the same person who had escorted Dr. Gerard
and his party. We 90W moved forwards with

VICINITY OF TEZIN.

177

greater confidence; indeed we. had not prudently
left Bliut Khak without our guide, but fortune
had befriended us. On entering' the hiHs I. ob-
served my companion, the mirza, turn .pale, and he
did not then tejl me what was the matter. He had
noticed a party of robbers sitting on the hills above
us, over a fire. They did not descend, as we were
armed and mounted ; but we learned, subsequently,
, that they intercepted some pedestrians, and drivers
of asses, in our rear. I did not see these men.

As we approached the vicinity of Tezln the rocks
were i*emarkably contorted, and throughout the de-
files were many indications of copper, a metal moi*e
or less abundant in the hills of this part of the
country. We at length came into a valley, through
which flows the rivulet from Tezin, now on our
right, where we found a few camels laden with
chaflf, and the proprietors, Chuli Zai Afghans, be-
ing willing to supply our cattle, we determined to
halt with them for the night, the rocks being dis-
posed so as to exclude the wind, at this season
justly dreaded. The early part of the night passed
mildly, but afterwards, as we heard the shrill whist-
ling of the breeze, we congratulated ourselves on
being sheltered from its violence.

By sunrise Ave were on the move, and passed
down the valley, spacious and open, but the sur-
face broken and stony, in many places sprinkled
with low trees and shrubs, until we reached the
ziarat of Seh Baba, or the three fathers, the shrine of

VOL. HI.

178

BARIK-AB.

all the robbers of tb,e country, who make this spot
a favourite resort, and perform pilgrimage, and plun-
der travellers at 'the same time. It is conveniently
located for the exercise of their calling; three of the
roads from Kabal, those of Tezin, §okhta Chanai-,
and Lattaband, meet at it. The ziarat is a grave
in an enclosure of loose stones, distinguished by a
large tree bedizened with rags and shreds. We here
turned to our right, the road leading over a jum- ^
ble of sandstone hills, inducing a variety of ascents
and descents before we reached the narrow length-
ened valley of Barik-ab, so called from a slender
rivulet which flows down it.

On the heights were the remains of an old
Chaghatai castle, and a recent one, built by Amir
Mahomed Khan, for the protection of the road.
There are also several samuches, now used by the

traveller, but which, from the many tumuli apparent,
were originally constructed with a different object.
From Barik-ab we continued our progress over the
same elevated and diversified country, and enjoyed
from the rounded summits of the hills a fine view of
the open valley of Taghow, about twenty-five miles
distant, and of the intervening depressed hilly space,
through which flow the rivers of the Kohistan and
of Kabal. The valley of Taghow appeared studded
with castles and gardens, denoted by the dense dark
masses speckling its surface, and has evidently a
marked slope from the north to the south. We
also aflvantageously beheld the lofty range dividing

SANG TODA BABER PADSHAH. 179

Taghow from the more eastern|y districts of Lugli-
mmi and Nadjil, with its acutd pyramidical peaks,
and north of it the snowy summits'of KohJKohand,
which intervenes between Panjshir and the moun-
tainous seats o^ the Siaposh Kafrs. Descending in-
to the spacious stony valley of Kattar Sang, we met
a strong k^fila from Peshawer, and coming to a ri-
vulet we halted, and made our breakfast. Leaving
^ the valley, we again crossed an uneven tract, but
with greater extent of level surface. A heap of
stones was pointed out as the Sang To da Baber
Padshah, and is believed to have been raised by the
soldiers of Baber’s army, each soldier, agreeably to
the emperor’s orders, contributing a stone. A little
beyond it are the walls of a" small square building,
near which two or three fellows were skulking.
We rode up to it to see that no robbers were lurking
within it, and farther on reached the summit of a hill,
on which were the ruinous walls of two Chaghatai
castles, and below us the dara, or valley of Jigdillik,
with a good rivulet, and the remains of a garden
planted by Taimtir Shah, in which his unfortunate
son, Shah Zeman, was deprived of sight, when deli-
vered by Malek Ashak to Assad Khdn, brother of
the Vazir Fati Khan. We passed the night in
some samuches, of which there are several, with a
number of tumuli on either side of the valley.
Higher up in it are again others ; and besides a few
scanty groves of mulberry-trees, on an eminence, is
the village of Jigdillik, now deserted, having been

N 2

180

JIGDILLIK.

but a short time sinee given over to plunder by Ma-
homed Akbar Khan. The inhabitants, Afghans,
had dispersed, until they should be invited to resume
their seats. r AVe with difficulty procured necessa-
ries, and Gul Mg,homed had to scour, the country in
quest of them. Jigdillik, from the misfortune of
Shah Zemka, had acquired a local celebrity, which
has now become more general, and wofully enhanced
to us, since its cheerless and desolate glens have
witnessed the destruction of the wrecks of our ill-
fated Kabal force.

From Jigdillik we ascended a dara, gradually con-
tracting until we came to the foot of a slight kotal,
called the Kotal of Jigdillik. On its crest were the
remains of a Chaghatai castle, and but for the hazy
weather we should have had a magnificent view of
the low country of Jelalabad beneath us. This kotal
is now, and has probably always been, the limit of the
Kabal and Jelalabad jurisdictions ; and on that ac-
count, and with reference to the habits of the neigh-
bouring tribes, it was anciently deemed a position
worthy of being protected, as is manifest by the
remains of its castles, more than usually extensive.
Baber was here opposed in one of his expeditions,
and it is possible that to the establishment, by his
orders, of a line of posts and stations between Kabal
and Atak, the castle, whose remains we see, was
owing, as well as many of the other fortresses, known
at the present day as Chaghatai killas, however his
successors may have improved and added to them. •

OLD ACQUAINTANCE.

181

The descent was continual^ without being preci-
pitous, and the snow diminished every step we ad-
vanced, until at last we left it fairly behind us. On
arrival at a locality called Lokhi, whei;e to the right
is a rivulet in ^ bed overspread with reeds, our guide
asked permission to visit Hissarak, a little right of
the road, where he said his family resided. It was
granted, as he promised to join us at Surkh Pul.
We did not suspect he had other motives until we
reached that place, so called from a bridge built by
Ali Mirdan Khan over the Surkh Rud, or red
river, which crosses the road, and glides into the
valley of Kangkarrak. It seemed that our friend
had some altercation with the karijghirs, or toll-
collectors, when attending Dr. Gerard and his party.
Anticipating that we should encounter similar diflS-
culties, he had wisely put himself out of the way,
and left us to arrange matters ourselves. We pass-
ed the bridge and made a short halt. I went to see a
Persian inscription on a rock, recording its foundation,
when one of the collectoi’s came to me and asked if
I was the owner of the horses. I replied “ Yes
when he said, “ Take them before the khan,” point-
ing to a person wrapped in a postln and sitting with-
in a circle of stones, by the side of the road. I
shook my head ; and he then said, “ Go, and have
a little iktalat, or conversation with the khan.” I
again shook my head, for I could not conceive who
the kh^ could be in such a place. The mirza, who
had joined, expressed his intention of waiting upon

182 KHALIL khan’s STORY.

Khalil Khan. On l^earing the name, I asked what
Khalil Khan it was, and was told, Khalil Khan of
Bisdt. “<Oh, then,” I exclaimed, “ I wall go myself.”
I had soon t^ie satisfaction of shaking hands with an
old friend, whose civilities to me in piy first visit to
these countries I have before recorded. I could
not refuse to pass the evening with him ; and men
were despatched to Tutu, two cosses distant, for a
sheep, barley, and chaff, while cakes, cheese, and
honey were immediately placed before us. We
talked over the events which had befallen us since
we first met, and the khan gave a strange account
of his disasters. He said he was overw^helmed with
debts, and that his fine castles in Bisut w'ere mort-
gaged. He w^as farther embarrassed in his accounts
with the Nawab Mahomed Zeman Khan, from
wdiom he farmed the transit-duties of Jelalabad, and
who occasionally resumed them, but finding no per-
son collect them so well, was compelled to trans-
fer them again to him, notwithstanding the liberty
he took in withholding the receipts. He told me,
that he did not care a fig for the nawab, that he
■had married two or three daughters of the Ghiljis in
the neighbourhood, and was in rebellion whenever
money was demanded from him. I congratulated
him in being, in one respect, in , so thriving a way.
An elderly staid gentleman coming towards us, the
khan observed, that the scoundrel was one of his cre-
ditors, who gathered up the monies as he collected
them from kafilas.

A TROUBLESOME NIGHT. 183

Tea being brought for me, the kh^ complained
of headache, and referred it* to the beverage, of
which he drank two cups; I ratljer suspected the
evil was owing to his sitting the whole day in the
sun, which, however, he said, was his custom. Some
of his young naen brought in some partridges, which
were grilled, and served to us, and, it being evening,
we retired to samuches, excavated by the khdn him-
self, and in which he resided, or rather passed his
' nights. He was very proud of them, as being me-
morials which would confer immortality upon him,
and showed me a substance which he had found in
course of the work, which cut glass, and which
he fancied to be a diamond. The samuches were
oppressively hot, and I certainly should have pre-
ferred the open air. After an excellent supper, the
mh’za produced a book, the Khalil wa Damnah,
and recited, to the great apparent satisfaction of the
khan and himself, for the rest of the evening. I
sat until I could not keep my eyes longer open,
and went to repose on a chaharpahi, at the ex-
tremity of the samijch. It was in vain that I
courted sleep, which, if the heat of the apartment
would have permitted, the asthmatic cough of the
old gentleman creditor prevented. I had not ex-
pected another cause of interruption, offered by
Khalil Khan himself, who throughout the night
kept up an incessant series of shouts, groans, and
sighs, intermixed with ejaculations of Sokhtam!
sokhtam ! I burn ! I burn ! and Oh ! Khoda ! Oh !

184

KHALIL KHAN’S DEATH.

Khod4! toba! toba! haz&toba! Oh God ! oh God!
repentance ! repentance ! a thousand times repen-
tance ! I was a>rmed, but observed that no one
took any notice ; and the old g'entleman, whose cough
made him pace the samdch a good part of the
night, passed and repassed the chaharpclhi, on
which the poor khan was extended, perfectly in-
diffeient to his torments 5 wherefore I concluded
the exhibition was an ordinary one. I w'ent through
a singular night, and heartily rejoiced at the break
of day, which enabled me to quit the samuch. The
old gentleman requested a remedy for dil-dard,
and professed to be eased by a decoction of cloves.
Khalil Khan complained of fever. A few days
aftei the unhappy man died ; and his corpse was
carried past Tatang, where I was staying, in its
way to Bisut for interment. Some time after I
met the old creditor at Jelalabad, and observing
“ So poor Khalil Khan is gone,” asked of what dis-
order he died, and was told that Hazrat All had
slam him, weary of having his name profaned, and
of hearing the perjuries he uttered.

Having breakfasted, we bade farew'ell to the
KhAn, and passed over an uneven country, the
road tolerably good, until we came to a rivulet,
which we crossed, and ascending a short but ab-
rupt kotal, found ourselves on the table-land of
Ganda^ak. Afar off we had descried a horse
standing on the summit, which we rightly con-
jectured to be that of the Ghilji guide. We ral-

gandamak.

lied him on leaving us at the mercy of the karij-
ghirs. We halted at .Gandamak, although we had
only marched three cosses, as we could command
supplies and g’ood accommodation. TJie village,
once enclosed within walls, does not contain above
forty or fifty houses, but has some half-dozen
Hindu shopkeepers, and it is famed for its fine
mulberries. South of the village is a royal garden,
all but destroyed. There are two or three castles
adjacent, one called Killa Gandamak, another be-
longs to Meherdad Khan, Poijal Zai, and anciently
Harkai-a Bashx. There is also much cultivated
land, water being plentiful. The inhabitants are
of the Kohgani tribe, that formerly possessed tlie
country to the west, held by the Jabar KhH Ghil-
Jis, who expelled them. They now occupy in this
vicinity, besides Gandamak, the villages Tutu Ka-
jai’, Nimla, Fatiabad, &c. They claim to be re-
lated to the Ghiljis, who do not acknowledge the
affinity, and apparently with reason. Gandamak,
from its elevated site, has a climate cool in com-
parison with that of the lower plains of Jelalabad,
and the people, in common with those of the dis-
tricts of the contiguous Safed Koh, teixd silk-
worms.

From Gandamak we came to the villages of
Hashem Khel and Belal Khel, with the Naian ri-
vulet, over which is a ruinous bridge of two arches,
picturesque in decay. To our right were th© vil-
lages and castles of Nokar Khel, and above

186

BALLA BAGH.

at the skirts of ^the Safed Koh, the villages of
Murkhi Khel, Zoar, &c. In place of following
the high road-, which leads to Nimla, we took one
to our le;ft, over the table space of B4inak, from
which we had an admirable view of the valley,
village, and royal , garden of Nimla. This village
is a small one of eighty houses, but the garden
appears very advantageously with its tall cypress-
trees. It is famed for narcissuses, posies of which
are sent as presents to Kabal. The unopened buds
are selected for transport, and they expand on be-
ing placed in water. From the table space of Ba-
mak we desended into the valley of the Sdrkh
R6d river, at a point called Kangkarrak, where is
a small collection of ancient caves. We halted
there, and breakfasted. We now observed many
plants of warm climates, strangei's to Kabal, and
the milky ak-bush became abundant. We traced
the southern skirts of the narrow valley, passing
many hamlets, small castles, and much cultivation,
and finally came to Balia Bagh, a small walled-in
town, seated on the very bank of the river, on the
opposite side of which is the site of the city of
Adinapur, flourishing in the time of Baber.

About a mile west of the town is a garden, the
Chahar Bagh, planted by that prince, and which
he calls Bagh-i-Wafa. He vaunts the strong po-
sition of the fortress of Adinapur, which I could
neve| detect, unless a mass of ruins on an emi-
nence, near some triangular entranced caves, denote

TATANG.

187

it, and if so, however extensive, it would appear
to have been very loosely constructed. Balia Bagh
is a commercial little town, and Hindus in great
numbers reside at it. The revenue is enjoyed by
Mahomed Osmap Khan, son of the late Nawab
Samad Khin, who was expelled from Kohat by
Pir Mahomed Khan, of Peshawer. Two or three
hundred men were employed in widening the
trench, it being said that Dost Mahomed Khan
was expected. We vs^ere now gratified by the
sight of luxuriant fields of sugar-cane. A little
beyond Balia B%h we crossed the Surkh Rud, a
rapid stream, and with water to our horses’ girths.
Passing a variety of hamlets and fortlets, with the
village of Kotipur, we arrived at the nawab Jabar
Kh&n’s seignorial castle of Tatang, where we were
received with all honour by his intendant Abdu-
lah, and presently installed in apartments over the
principal gateway, whence we commanded a noble
view of the valley of Jelalabad and the country to
the east. This castle was built by the nawab when
governor of the Ghiljis of Kabal, and when he could
call forth the labourers of the country at discretion.
He fixed upon a waste, neglected spot, therefore
called Tatang, which in Pashtani implies desolate,
and to reclaim it directed his attention. The site
had been anciently occupied by a castle called Killa
Rajputah, or the castle of the R^jpdts, and was con-
nected by fradition with the period of Rajpub sway
in these countries. Two or three substantial towers

188

GARDENS.

CASTLE OF TATANG.

were yet existing, and' tlie nawab lias often assured
me it employed more labour to remove them than
was required to i*aise the new castle. A superior
castle, with very lofty walls and towers, has been
erected. To the east, or front, is a large public
garden, with handsome summer-house and baths
for the accommodation of guests, and adjoining
the southern front of the building is another pri-
vate garden. Both are stocked with flowers, and
at this time displayed large expanses of red and
white tuberoses. In the evening the fragrance of
the atniosphere was delightful. The trees in these
gardens, as over the estate, are but young, although
some of the cypresses have attained a moderate

EXCURSION.

189

height. About eighteen kolbahs,of land appertain
to the nawab, who has purchased the whole of it,
but at very low pi’ices. Thez’e waS formerly no
water, or little in the neighbourhood, a »deficiency
which the nawal^ has obviated by bringing a ca-
nal from the S6rkh Rud, opposite Balia Bagh,
along the skirts of the hills, at the foot of which
Tatang lies. Within the castle there is a sj>aci-
ops residence for his family, pi'ovided with all due
appendages, as baths, &c., and about thirty-five
houses, for his tenants and agricultui’ists. The
estate is now in pretty good order, and in course
of time will be a magnificent one, as additions
are evdiy year made to it, by purchases of the
adjoining lands. The naw^ab takes great pride
in it, and is never so happy as when walking
over his grounds, planting trees, widening canals,
or feasting upon the beauties of his flower-gar-
dens. A doubtful politician and statesman, his
skill as a husbandman is denied by no one.

I fulfilled my promise to the nawab of not wan-
dering far from his castle, yet I did not neglect
the immediate environs, which to me had at least
the chaiTU of novelty to recommend them. One
of my first excursions was to the summit of the
range overshadowing us, and which, extending from
Jigdillik to Darunta, separates the valleys of Nin-
grahar and Lughman. It is called Kandaghar by
Afghans, Bagh Atak by Tajiks, and Koh Bolan
by the people of Lughman. It is also frequently

190

GLEN OF KAJAUI.

■called Siali Koli,,or the black MU, in contra-dis^
tinction to the inagnitlceiit range of the Safed Koh,
or white hill,"on the opposite, or southern line of
the valley^ From Tatang a glen, called Kajari,
in a north-west direction, extends to the main body
of the range, and early one morning I started to
proceed up it and gain the crest of the hills, at-
tended by one of my servants and an Afghan guide,
Ferdusi. At the opening of the glen upon the
plain round conglomerate hills occur on either
side, composed of boulders of moderate dimensions,
combined by a calcareous cement. This species
of rock is very liable to delapse, and huge frag-
ments, fallen from above, strew the narrow- valley.
From the same reason, towards the summits, many
of them have a scarped perpendicular line of many
feet in depth, which has caused their selection for
the excavation of samuches. Here are many of
those ascetical residences ; and the hills abound
with vestiges of walls, ramparts, and pottery-ware,
indicative of the former character of the locality.
As we ascend up the glen we tread upon a series
of stratified and schistose rocks, at first barely
peering above the surface, but gradually rising in
altitude. Amongst these we observed some of the
impressions, common enough in these regions, appa-
rently of the hoof of an animal. Here, as well as
everywhefe else, I have seen them ; they are found
in a certain kind of black stone. Three hundred
yards from its commencement the glen contracts.

• •

GORAICHI. 191

and a short tanghi, or defile, is^ passed, where is
a very beautiful object in an excavated arched
recess, made in ancient times for the sake of ob-
taining zakh, or the sub-acetate of irpn, which
completely pervades the rock. The people at pi*e-
sent employ it to strike a black dye on cloths
previously saturated in a decoction of pomegranate
rind. The spot is particulaidy picturesque, from
the nature of the stratified rocks, and the vari-
ously tinged yellow and green hues caused by the
presence of the zakh. It is a fairy scene, and the
grot of Oberon could not be more fanciful or fan-
tastic. Beyond it the glen expands, and the en-
closing hills to the west are again provided with
caves. Here is also a warm spring, and a clump
of productive date-trees, which give a name to
the glen, which throws off a branch to the west,
leading to Marnu, a spot inhabited by Afghan pas-
toral families. At this point is a small, but deep
dand, or pool of water, its borders fringed with
that species of reeds from which the kalams, or
pens of the country, are fashioned. We traced
the northern branch of the glen, being' anxious
to see some remains we had heard of, the first
said to be at a spot called Goraichi, a place of
Hindu pilgrimage. In fact, we found scratched
on the rocks a variety of rude figures, of men on
elephants and horses, and of men on foot, armed
with bows and arrows, of stags and lions, of hares,-
and other animals. It was impossible to decide whe-

192

KILLA KAFR.

ther the figures w^re owing to single design or were
the result of casual and occasional contributions.
If the: former, 'it may have been intended to repre-
sent a battle, or hunting-scene. The figures w^ere
too rudely scratched to deserve^ much attention,
neither could anything useful be learned from them ;
but, surmounting the rocks on which they are found,
we presently came upon some more substantive re-
mains, in walls and parapets of masonry, on the
crest, and encircling the sides of an eminence.
This locality, as all similar ones are, was called
• Killa Kafr, or the infidel’s fortress. A line of wall
was carried round three sides of the peak; the
fourth, presenting an abrupt perpendicular escarp-
ment, rendered its continuation unnecessary. The
entrance faced the west. At the eastern point
were the remains of a circular tower. Beneath
the superior line of wall, on the acclivities of the
eminences, parapets had been raised ; the intervals
between them and the inclined surface of the rock
were filled up with pure sifted earth. From these
spots funereal jars, containing dark-coloured earth,
bones, and fragments of charcoal, had been pro-
cured, establishing the fact of the sepulchral nature
of the locality. The walls on the summit enclosed
a variety of small apartments, the partition walls
of which were entire, and which seemed to point
out the residences of the various persons connected
with the establishment. It could scarcely be doubt-
ed that it was the ancient bui’ial-place of some

ANCIENT BURIAL PLACES.

193

village on the plain. Skirting Ijie hills to the east,
I afterwards found many such places were to he
found, some of them much more considerable than
the one here. They occur continuously, as it were,
until we reach ti|ie temiination of the range, where,
for the last two or three mil§s, is dispersed the group
of the topes of Darunta. To the westward we also
discover them ; the remains at the site of Adinapur,
^whether or not denoting the fortress so favourably
spoken of by Baber, are of the same character,
and similar vestiges present themselves until we
reach the caves of Kangkarrak, and even beyond
them. In all instances the rational inference is,
that they refer to villages formerly located, as at
the present day, on the plains beneath them, and
that their retired situation was selected in con-
formity to the custom and religion of the time ;
of which the ever-present cave attests, that seclu-
sion and asceticism were prominent features. In
like manner, we account for the antique evidences
to be found on the skirts of the various hills of
Afghanistan, all of which exhibit them, and it is
only natural they should, for there were villages,
of course, in all directions, as now, in the plains
at their feet ; and every village as naturally had
its place of sepulture.

The view of the country from Killa Kdfr being
extensive, I took a few bearings, and then retraced
my steps, to gain the road leading to the summit of
the range. It continued very fair and even for

VOL. m.

194

SlffilNE OF LAMECH.

some time, and broxi-ght us to a waterfall, of fifty or
sixty feet in heigM. As we ascended we were gra-
tified by the sight of a much more considerable fall,
or rather succession of falls, the superior one of
great height. There was little w^ter, and it was
'clear that such objects, to be seen to advantage,
should be visited after rains and floods. There are
many of them in various parts of the range. The
difficulty of our journey increased as we neared the
summit, though the hill offered no impediment to
our ascent beyond that presented by its inclination,
and it was only after repeated halts that we attained
the object of our journey ; and certainly our toil was
well repaid by the wide, the varied, and magnificent
scenery on all sides. To the north we had under
our observation the valleys of Ltighman, with their
towns, villages, castle, and cultivated lands, bounded
by Koh Karinj ; beyond which a jumble of. hills de-
signated the abodes of the mysterious and imper-
fectly known Siaposh races. To the west of the
Lughmmi valley stretched a cheerless barren ex-
panse to the ranges separating it from Taghow, and
the lands of the Sahibzdda Uzbins. At the point
where it connected with the cultivated plain, near
the town of Tirgari, a solitary dome indicated the
ziarat of Metar Lam Sahib, or the supposed gi’ave
of the patriarch Lamech. The towns, villages, and
castles appeared as minute specks upon the plain,
but they were specially distinguished by the vene-
rable gaz-trees of their ziarats. We had an admi-

VARIOUS PROSPECTS.

195

rable view of the rivers of Aliagar and Alishang,
winding like slender rivulets in their courses, and
effecting their junction at Tirgari, and subsequently
at Mandarawar uniting with the riven of Kabal.
Directing our sight to the east, we commanded a
view up the valley of Khonar as far as Islamabad,
where it was intercepted by the snowy range sepa-
rating it from Bajor, and which confines to the east
t;he course of the river of Kameh, which we had
also the gratification to descry in its meanders along
the contracted valley. Turning round, the valley of
Jelalabad and of the Kabal river was fully deve-
loped, bounded by the hills of the Momands and
Khaibaris, intervening between it and Peshawer.
To the south we had a glorious prospect of the
Safed Koh range, the limitary boundary of the val-
leys A)fNingrahar and Bangash, and of the nume-
rous districts at its skirts. To the west, our obser-
vation included Aman Koh, and snowy peaks in
the vicinity of Kdbal ; but the atmosphere was hazy
in this quarter. Our admiration at the noble pros-
pect made us think of leaving the hill with regret,
but we had reached late, and after taking my ob-
servations upon the principal localities within view,
I was compelled to descend. Our downward course
was easy, and we regained Tatang a little after
sunset.

Within a mile from Tatang, in a valley of this
hill-range, is the ziarat, or shrine of H^zrat Lut
Paigambar, supposed to be the grave of no less

196

LARGE GRAVES.

a personage than the scriptural patriarch Lot.
Such an object necessarily commanded my atten-
tion, dnd I therefore one evening walked to it. I
found one’ of those graves of extraordinaiy dimen-
sions which abound in this country; and more
sparingly are found westward, as at Kabal, and
in the Hazarajat. The grave in question was about
thirty-three yards in length, and was enclosed by
a wall, rudely constructed of stones. It had the
usual concomitants, of poles surmounted with flags,
of lamps, and a spring of water contiguous. A
path leads from it to Balia Bagh, which, as well
as the immediate vicinity of the grave, is kept
carefully clean, as the inhabitants of that place,
both Mahomedan and Hindu, constantly repair to
it, and hold it in special reverence. Adjacent to
it is a smaller grave, believed to be that of a, rela-
tive of the patriarch. At the head of the grave,
the assiduity of pilgrims has accumulated a rich
cabinet of the mineralogical specimens of the hills,
for it is usual to deposit in such localities any
rare or cmious natural object of the kind which
may be found. They are also partially strewed
over the entire surface. On this account the
mineralogist should always visit the shrines in a
Mahomedan country, as he will find there collected
what it would cost him much trouble to acquii'e
in their dispersed state; the naturalist will also
meet with antlers and horns of extraordinary di-
mensions, and the antiquarian may chance to dis-

OPINIONS OP THE PEOPLE. 197

cover fragments of sculptured stones, and inscribed
slabs. The numbers in which these large graves
occur in the valleys of Ningrah^ naturally pressed
on my mind the consideration of their nature. It
was unnecessary^ to believe, with the people of
these parts, that they covered the remains of giants,
which they infer Hazrat Lht, and the other patri-
archs, to have been; and it was obvious that their
direction from noi’th to south was strictly orthodox
and Mahomedan. In most situations they are
ziarats ; and those which are not are still beheld
reverentially, their holy character being acknow-
ledged, while it is regretted that no revelation
has disclosed to whom they relate. The more
celebrated of these large graves, is that of Mdtar
Lam Sahib, or the patriarch Lamech, in Lughman,
known in Europe from its connexion with the
traditionary history of Stilts Mahmud, and by
the notice Wilford has taken of it. In fixing the
antiquity of these memorials we are not abso-
lutely without guides. On the plain of JelalabM
many are found on the summits of the tumuli of
the middle ages, whose epoch we are warranted
to conclude from the coins and relics picked up
on their surface, or elicited by excavation, to have
been anterior indeed, but frequently very little so,
to the Mahomedan conquests. Nothing can be
more certain than that the graves, in such posi-
tions, are postei'ior to the tumuli on which they
are formed. I thei’efoi’e suppose that they are

198

TRADITIONARY RECORDS.

the graves of Mahomedans who flourished in the
time of the Caliphat rule, and who, falling probably
in action with infidels, have been interred with
extraordinary honour. I have had occasion to re-
mark, that the shrines of the ancjent superstitions
of the country have, palpably, been legitimatized
by the early Muslim invaders ; and this fact may
account for the presence of these graves in sites
which, if only sepulchral, will still have had a
religious and venerated character. On many of
the tumuli where these monuments are found
there are gaz, or tamarisk-trees, of great size, and
of at least as remote an age as the graves they
overshadow. To Sultan Mahmud traditionary re-
cord imputes the reclamation of these graves, and
the revelation, imparted in a dream, that the
sepulchre of the patriarch Lamech was unknown
and dishonoured in the country.

The inhabitants of Balia Bagh believe that the
existence of the shrine in their environs conduces
to the prosperity of the town, and those of Liigh-
man ascribe the productiveness of their lands to
their good fortune in possessing the shrine of the
illustrious Lamech. In these degenerate days
neither has any endowment : the contributions of
the pious, and the offerings of pilgi’ims, are the
sources from which their little establishments are
kept up.

It may deserve notice, that many localities in
Afghanistan bear scriptural names : Kibal itself is

SCRIPTURAL NAMES.

199

that of a place in Palestine, noticed by the author
of the Book of Joshua, chap. xix. verses 24 to 30,
when describing the allotment of the tribe o| Asher.
It again occurs in Kings, where Hiram^ the prince
of Tyre, dissatisfied with the twenty cities made
over to him by' Solomon, confers upon them the
name of K&bal, which Josephus explains to mean
worthless, or unprofitable. In like manner we
have Zoar, Shinar, Gaza, Sheva, Sidim, Tabar,
Aman, Kergha — to mention only a few instances —
all of which we find not only in the Scriptures, but
in the earlier of them ; and it is clear that they
were names borne by the localities when they
became first known to the Israelites, and that they
were not confeiTed by the latter. It need not be
doubted that they are Pali names, given by the
Pali settlers in that region, called Pdlistan, or laud
of the Pali, the original of our Palestine ; and these
Pali are again the Philistines, (a plural term,) so
long the memorable antagonists of the Hebrews.
If we inquire who these Pdli were, we learn from
Genesis that they were descendants of Ham, in
the line of Mizraim ; and if we consult classical
authorities, we are informed by Diodorus that they
were one of the gveat Scythian families, the other
being the Napi; and we are farther told, that at
a very remote time they overran all Asia, and
penetrated into Europe, and the islands of the
Mediterranean. Of these Pali conquests I am
not aware that we have any other positive record,

200

PALI CONQUESTS.

but they are fully^ confirmed by vestiges left be-
hind in all the countries they are said to have
subdueci. Tyre, or correctly Tfir, was, as Strabo
says, more ^anciently called Pali-tur : the Pali tur
or fort ; and Rome succeeded a PMi-tan, the PMi
town, on the hill we call Palatine; while innume-
rable places throughout Italy, Greece, Sicily, and
the Mediterranean isles, as well as throughout
Asia, attest the presence of these ancient people.
Their conquests are, moreover, of the first import^
ance; for, connecting the evidence of Scripture with
that of Diodorus, we find that subsequent to, if
not consequent upon, the dispersal at Babel, the
PM must have spread themselves into the regions
known to the ancients as Scythia, as they re-
turned from them in their career of victory, men-
tioned by the historian. In their first movements
towards the east they necessarily carried with
them all their arts and sciences. And on this point
the testimony of Scripture is most valuable, for
in apprising us of their aifinity with the descend-
ants of Mizraim, it leaves no room to doubt that
they were as proficient in them as were those
with whom they were connected ; and it is need-
less to advert to the early state of society and
civilization in Egypt,- unless to suggest that the
countries into which the PM spread may have
been at the same time equally imder similar in-
fluences'; and we can but remember that in China
there would always appear to have existed a civil-

DIFFUSION OF LANGUAGE. 201

ized people. At Babylon Alexander the Great
was presented with a series of astronomical calcu-
lations, extending for a certain number of years,
within ten of the date generally assigned to the
erection of the tower of Babel. It has been sus-
pected that one of the objects of the tower may
have been to facilitate such observations, probably
for the sake of the predictions deduced from them ;
and it is curious to find that in China and in India,
from the earliest times, judicial astrology has been a
favourite study, and the principal means by which
a crafty hierai’chy have imposed upon the deluded
imaginations of the people. Would not the PS.li
have carried that science with them ? Recent dis-
coveries in India, and in Central Asia, have proved
that the language of those cormtries at the period
of the Macedonian conquests was Pali. Sanscrit
turns out to be Pali; the language of Persia at
the time of Darius Hystaspes, was Pali ; Phoe-
nician we know to be Pali : facts undeniable, and
in unison with authority we feel all inclination
to respect and venerate, while they are singular
only because they disturb erroneous impressions,
long current and cherished. There are many points
in connexion with the Pali of engrossing interest,
to discuss which would cany me beyond the limit
prescribed for such matters in these volumes; it
will be sufficient, after what has been observed,
to point out that the occuiTence of Pali names,
whether in Afghanistan or Palestine, is no cause

202

NAMES OF PLACES.

for wonder; had |;hey not occurred there would
have been. Besides Pali names, the Afgh^ coun-
tries preserve' in their localities names of the
several races which have successively overrun them.
Hence we have Arab, Eajpiit, Turki, Persian, as
well as other appellations ; and the various remaik-
able shrines owe, no doubt, their nomenclature to
the early Mahomedans, who thereby made the ex-
isting sacred places their own.

203

^CHAPTER IX.

Dost M^omed Khan^s designs. — Movements of Shah Sujdh al
Mulkh. — Anival of Meher Dil Khan. — Sultan Mahomed
. Khan’s visit to Jelalabad. — Plots. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s

feints Extortions — Projects and counter-projects. — Designs

disclosed. — Haji Khan discarded. — March of Dost Mdhomed

Khan Mir Afzil Khan His ingenuity. — Submission of

Mahomed Osman Khan. — Measures of Mahomed Zeman Khan.
— Assault and capture of Jelalabad. — Plunder of town. — Ar-
rival of Nawab Jabar Khan. — Attempt to assassinate Dost
Mahomed Khan. — Fate of assassin. — Mahomed Zeman Kluin’s
conduct. — His recent re-appearance. — Disposal of Jelalabdd. —
Seizure of chiefs of Khonar and LMpura. — Abdul Ghiaz Khan.
— His proposed mission to India, — Dost Mahomed Khan’s ob-
jections. — Secret departure. — Altercation at Daka. — Obstinacy
of companions. — Deference to Sadat Khan. — His decision and
message — His conversation. — His fate. — Kemarks thereon. —

His successor in authority. — Shelman Khurd. — Miilla Ghori.

Robbers. — Reception at Ispind Sing. — Arrival at Peshawer. —
Confused state of affairs. — Ridiculous alarms.—Shah Sujah al

Mulkh’s treaty,— The Sikhs profit by circumstances Their

understanding with parties. — Proposal to the sirdars. — Advance
of Sikh army.— Stand of Plaji Khan — Peshawer taken Jocu-

larity of Hari Singh.— Pir Mahomed Khan’s valorous remark.—
Abdul Ghi^z Khan’s arrangements.

I HAVE noted, that on passing BOla B%li work-
men were employed in strengthening the defences
of the place, inider a notion that Dost Mcihomed
Khan contemplated to visit it in his way to Jela-

204 MEHER DIL KHAN’S VISIT.

labad. I soon found that there was good ground
for the apprehension, and at once understood the
nawab’s' solicitude, that I should go to his castle
and not wai>der from it. When I left Kabal I was
not aware of the sirdar’s intention, in fact, sup-
posed his attention would be directed to other
quarters ; but I troubled myself little about poli-
tics, and did not penetrate the secrets of his
councils. It was known that Sh§.h Sujah al Mulkh
was at Shik^pur, that he had defeated the ai’niy
of Northern Sind at Sakar, and extorted a sum
of money from the confederated chiefs. All ac-
counts concurred that he had collected an army,
formidable as to numbers at least ; that there was
abundance in his camp, and that the road to Kdn-
dahar was open to him. His letters were circu-
lated through all parts of Afgh^ist^n, and there
was scarcely a person of note who had not re-
sponded to them. In September, Meher Dil Khdn,
one of the Kandahar chiefs, arrived at Kabal, avow-
edly to induce his brother, Dost Mahomed Khdn, to
march to Kkidahar, to assist in repelling the danger
with which they were menaced by the ShAh’s ad-
vance. Notwithstanding, the sh4h was naturally
an object of dread ; so imperfect was the bond of
union between the several Barak Zai brothers in
power that the real purpose of Meher Dil Khan’s
visit was to entice his brother to Kandahar, with
a view of rendering his territories accessible to inva-
sion by the chiefs of Peshawer and Jelalabad.

PLOTS AND COUNTER-PLOTS. 205

Dost Mahomed Khaii, well acquainted with the
intentions of his brother, received him with out-
ward civility, but neglected to prbvide him with
entertainment, or with expenses to defray it, there-
by annoying him during his stay, and probably
abridging its continuance. He engaged, however,
to march to Kindahar, if satisfied that no ad-
vantage would be taken of his absence by the
chiefs of Peshawer. Sultan Mahomed Khan ad-
vanced as far as Mama Khel, south of Gandamak,
and sent his son to Kabal to assist at the confer-
ences, as a proof of his desire to unite cordially
with Dost Mahomed Khan in the crisis which im-
pended over the family. Such was the proclaimed
motive ; but agents, in the train of his son, were
commissioned to tamper with the adherents of the
Kabal chief, and, in concert with Meher Dil Khan,
to arrange measures with the disaffected for his
destruction. The Nawab Jabar Khan, and Hfiji
Khan, were privy to these plots, and lent them
their countenance. Sultan Mahomed Khan’s agents
reported, that their mission had been successful ; and
Dost Mahomed Khan, who had alike despatched
emissaries to Peshawer on a similar errand, w'as flat-
tered by their assurances that the retainers of his
brothers had been corrupted. Sultan Mahomed
Khan, of course, exerted all his influence with
Mahomed Zeman Khfln, who, however hostile to
Dost Mahomed Khan, and desirous to preserve his
authority at Jelalabad, w^as not anxious to provoke

206

EXTORTIONS.

attack ; and while leonsenting to call in the Pesh-
awer chiefe, if Dost Mdhomed Khan became the
aggressor, and to cede them Bishbulak as an equi-
valent for •their assistance, still would not per-
sonally see SuMn Mahomed Khan; and when
this chief, about to return to Peshawer, called
at his house in Jelalabad, he was not admitted,
and was compelled to leave without an interview.
Mahomed Zemin Khan had been summoned by
Dost Mahomed Khan to meet and confer with
Meher Dil Dhan at Kabal. His refusal previ-
ously to co-operate with the sirdar of Kabal in
his expedition to Taghow, had been made the
pretext for the invasion of his territory, as before
narrated. On this occasion he declined to place
himself in the power of his suspected kinsman, but
avoided the charge of contumacy by sending his
son, an evasion little palatable to Dost Mahomed
Khan. Before Meher Dil Khdn departed from
Kabal the sirdar had stationed his pesh-khana at
Deh. Mazzang, and the Kdndahar chief returned,
most likely pluming himself on the result of his
dexterity. To provide means for the expedition, a
loan of thirty thousand rupees was forced from
the Shikarpuris; a few other individuals were
seized, and sums of money extorted from them,
until, at length, the persons of Ndzir Khairulah,
and the Mirakhor Wall Mahomed were secured,
the first under the protection of the Amm al
Mulkh, Mahomed Rehim Khan, and the latter

PROJECTS AND COUNTER-PROJECTS. 207

in the service of the Nawab Jafo^r Khan. Thirty
thousand rupees were demanded from th® one, and
ten thousand rupees from the other. This step
was highly offensive to the two noblemen named,
and the nawab used strong language; but all that
he could effect was a commutation, by which a
part of the amount was given in money and the
remainder in goods and chattels. The pesh-khina
was still at Deh Mazzang, when, in November, a
fall of snow happened, and the soldiery became
somewhat discouraged at the prospect of a march
in winter, and through snow. Mahomed Akbar
Khan, the sirdar’s son, had been sent to Lughman,
ostensibly to collect money for the expedition ; it
was alleged that the march was delayed until his
return. In this stage of the business the prin-
cipal kow^ins, at the suggestion of Amir Ma-
homed Khan, requested the sird^ to defer his
march to Kandahar, pointing out that, according
to his repeated and constant assertions, the Shah
had no army, so there could be no immediate
danger, while a march through the snow would
disorganize his own force. They proposed to go
to Khuram, where revenue for the last two years
had not been collected. The sirdar affected to
take the recommendation ill, swore that he would
march to Kandah^, and acquit himself of his
duty to his brothers, if up to his neck in snow ;
that all who chose might follow him, and all who
chose might remain ; that, for himself, he would go

208 DESIGNS DISCLOSED.

if followed only fey Abdul Samad and liis batta-
lion. •

The!>pfeh-kMna was advanced to Killa Kazi, and
Abdul Samad, witb Ms battalion, directed to join it.
The first fall of snow, after an interval of severely
cold weather, had been followed by a second, and
the prospects of tbe troops became daily more dis-
couraging. In this conjuncture the sirdm* convened
his kowanins, and prefacing that they might thank
the Amin al Mulkh, and others, for their dilatoriness
in complying with his demands, or he had certainly
marched to Kandah& in despite of snow, declared
his resolution to take their advice, and proceed to
Khuram. One of his dependents, Bahawal Khan,
Barak Zai, was despatched to examine and report
upon the state of the Kotal Pehwar. This man on
his return afiSrmed that the kotal was impracticable,
and that some of his men had lost their toes from
the severity of the frost. The sirdar then ordered
his p^sh-khana to be brought from Killa Kazi, and
to be fixed at Siah Sang, east of Kibal, and on the
road to Jelalabad. His real purpose, which he had
hitherto so industriously concealed, became appar-
ent. It was greatly disrelished by many. The
Nawab Jabar Khan was very sore, and, ostensi-
bly, the sirdar’s brother, Amir Mahomed Khfin,
disapproved of it. The nawab, however, declined
to remonstrate, observing, that if he said march,
he made his nephews enemies; if he said, do not
march, from previous transactions he should be

DISMISSAL OF HAJI KHAN. 209

suspected of intrigues with t^em ; adding, with
simulated humility, that he was a nukar, or servant.
The arch dissembler, Amir Mahomed Khan, took
a Koran in his hand, and presented hijnself before
his brother, praying him not to march on Jelalabad,
reminding him ^f the mutual oaths they had both
taken to Mahomed Zeman Khan, and offering, if
money was the object, to contribute three lakhs of
rupees. The sirdar replied, that if twelve lakhs of
rupees were proffered he would refuse them, and
march. Dost Mahomed Khan next called Hdji
Khin to an interview, at which, besides himself and
the kh^, Amir Mdhomed Khan, and Mirza Sami
Khan were present. In a few words he informed
the khan, that his evil deeds and his intentions were
known and forgiven, that his person and property
were respected, and that he had liberty to transport
himself and his dependants wherever he pleased.
Amir Mahomed Khan, before Haji Khan recovered
from his surprise at this abrupt announcement, had
taken off his turban and placed it at his feet, con-
juring him not to reply. He then withdrew him
from the meeting, protested that he considered him
as a brother, and that if he disliked to remain in
Dost Mahomed’s service he should share in his own
fortune. Of course, this matter had been previously
arranged between the two brothers. On the 21st
of December the pesh-khana was advanced to
Bhut Khak, where the battalion joined it, and soon
after Dost Mahomed Kh^ left the city. He

VOL. ni.

'* tt

S' t • •

210 MIR AFZIL khan’s SUBTLETY.

marclied successively to Kliurd Ivabal, Tezin, Jig-
dillik, and Ishpan, in the Kohgani district, a little
west of Gandamak. Here he halted to allow the
troops from Kabal to reach, which followed in
detail, as was necessary on account of the inclement
season and the scarcity of provender. The sird&’
came with his battalion, the Ghulam Khana troops,
and fourteen guns. Amir Mahomed Khan, the
Nawab Jab^r Khan, and Haji Khan were yet in
Kabal, where one of the sirdar’s sons, Maomed
Akram Khan, had been appointed governor. At
Ishpan, famous in Afghm history for one of Sh^h
Sujah al Mulkh’s discomfitures, the sirdar was close
upon Mama Khel, the place to which Sultan Ma-
homed KliAn had advanced in the autumn. There
resides Mir Afzil Kh^, eldest son of Akram Khan,
Popal Zai, the vazir of Shah Slijah al. Mulkh, slain
in the disaster at Nimla. Mir Afzil Khan, bitterly
inimical to Dost Mdhomed Kh^n, was no doubt
mixed up in the intrigues carrying on against him,
but his cunning made him now, as at all other
times, feign affictions in his limbs. Aware that
Dost Mahomed Khan was likely to pay him a visit.,
and to demand money — for he is reputed to be very
rich — his ingenuity had provided against such a call,
by an expedient worthy of the occasion. One night,
while the sirdar was yet at Kabal, he employed
men to rob his own castle. Holes were perforated
in the walls, and in the morning carpets, felts, and
utensils of all kinds were found scattered about.

FATI KHAN’S GENEROSITY. 211

His wife, a daughter of the V;|zir Fati Khan, im-
mediately started for Kabal, and related to her
brother the sad misfortune, and loss, of alb her jewels
and valuable property ; reviled Mahomed Zemhn
Khan for his lax exercise of authority, and prayed
that the sirdar -^ould use his influence to recover
her wealth. He had difficulty to appease his volu-
ble relative, but he was too shrewd not to perceive
the manoeuvre put in play. He, however, forebore
at this time to demand a contribution from Mir
Afzil Khan, aware that his wife would be forth-
coming with the piteous tale of the robbery. The
manner in which Mir Afzil Khan acquired his use-
ful lady may be told as characteristic of Fati Khan,
and also to his honour. When Akram Khan was
cut down at Nimla, he recommended his family to
the protection of his antagonist, saying, they might
one* day serve him. Fati Khan subsequently in-
quired for Mir Afzil Khan, and gave him his
daughter in marriage. By this alliance the son
was able to preserve much of his father’s property,
although many lakhs of rupees were lost, being
confided to Hindus, who fled to Amratsir, where
they are now capitalists. Mir Afzil Khan lives
secluded in a delightful locality at Mama Khel,
where he has built castles and planted orchards and
vineyards, but is supposed to be a reckless in-
triguer. His reputation is very bad, and very dif-
ferent from that of his father. He has a brother
connected with Pir Mahomed Khan of Peshawer,

212 OSMAN KHAN’S SUBMISSION.

alike distinguished tfor his intrigues, and qualities
the opposite to amiable ones.

Front Ishpin Dost Mahomed Khan marched to F a-
tiabad, between "which and Bhlla B%h a stony plain,
traversed by the K^rasii river (black river), inter-
venes for about three miles. Here^he asked Abdul
Samad, at what expense of life he would capture
the latter town ; who replied, with the loss of ten
men. The sirdar- observed, you shall presently see
that I can manage these affairs better than you can.”
I shall order the discharge of five guns, and Ma-
homed Osman Khan will come walking into camp
like a dog with his tail between his legs. The guns
were discharged; and their repox*t dissipated, as the
sirdar had predicted, his nephew’s warlike notions.
His mother appeared, a suppliant, announcing her
son’s allegiance, praying the town might not be
attacked, and expressing his readiness to supply the
camp with provisions. The lady was accompanied
by a host of persons, bearers of sugar-cane, and
other dainties. It was stipulated, that on the ad-
vance of the army to Chahar Bagh of JelalabM her
son was to join the camp, and make his submission.
It has previously been mentioned, that the sird&’s
son, Mahomed A kbar Khan, had been despatched to ,
Lughman. On the arrival of his father at Jigdillik
he commenced offensive operations there, expelling
the troops of Mahomed Zeman Khan from the
Tajik villages included under the rule of the Jela-
labad government. About eight thousand kharwars

ZEMAN khan’s MEASURES. 213

of grain fell into his hands. From Tirgari he march-
ed to Chahar B%h of Liighman, where he await-
ed instructions. This expulsion of the Jelalabad
chief’s troops was effected without hloOdshed ; but
they had to subniit to be plundered of their horses
and arms.

The NawAb Mahomed Zem^ Khan had been for
some time busy in renewing the defences of Jelala-
bad. The dilapidated walls, originally of some
width, were repaired, and on an eminence, a little
south of the town, called Koh Bacha, he erected an
intrenchment and placed a piece of ordnance in bat-
tery. He had summoned the iljari, or militia of the
country, and the saiyad petty chiefs of Khonar, with
Sadat Khan, the Momand chief of Lalpura. He
could scarcely, however, have expected to with-
stanjl a siege, "notwithstanding his preparations, but
must have depended on the arrival of the Peshawer
army to his assistance, when, if no actual collision
took place, the usual routine of intrigues and nego-
tiations would have been carried on; and if Dost
Mahomed Khan had been foiled, he for the present
would have preserved his authority. A confidential
agent from the Peshawer sirdars, Nazir Morad AH,
was with him, urging him by resistance, to give the
army time to join him, as also striving to obtain the
cession of Bishbulak, which the nawab, formerly
promising to yield, now scrupled to make over.

When Dost Mdhomed Khan reached Fatiabad
the malek, or principal of the place, who, with his

214 CAPTURE OF JELALABAD.

iljari quota, was at Jelalaliad, informed the nawab,
and asked whether he should fight or give barley
and provender, as was required. The nawib turned
to his chiefs-around him, and said, “ You see how
silly Dostak is, to come into my cpuntry; if I did
not feed his horses, they would be famished.” The
inalek repeated his inquiry as to how he was to act.
“ Go,” said the nawab, “ and provide barley and chafij
or his horses will die.” The malek, -with his men, re-
turned to Fatiabad, and made his submission to Dost
Mahomed Khan. This sirdar advanced to Chahar
Bagh of Jelalabad, where he was joined by Ma-
homed Osmdn Khan, and his son, Mahomed Akb&
Khan, from Lughman. He halted there one day,
and on the next moved upon Jelalabad. On the
same day he possessed himself of the eminence Koh
Bacha, and the ziarats close to the town walls on
the western side. During the night a nagam, or
mine, was carried under a bastion nearly opposite,
and on the following morning, the first of the month
Ramazan, a day worthy of being signalized, the
train was fired, and the battalion of Abdal Samad
marched over the breach into the town. Parties
were immediately despatched to protect the resi-
dences of the nawab, and of those it was intended
to preserve from plunder, and the rest of the tovm
was abandoned to the mercy of the soldiery. The
two mirzas of Jelalabad, Imam Verdi and Aga Jan,
with SMat Khan the Momand chief, were made pri-
soners, but two persons whom Dost Mahomed Khan

PLUNDER OF TOWN.

215

was very desirous to secure, N^ir Morad All and
Fati Mahomed KMn, Popal Zai, and father-in-law
of the Nawab Jabar Khdn, foixnd means to^escape,
and reached Peshawer. As for the ^awab Ma-
homed Zeman Khan, as soon as the town was en-
tered he seated ^himself, with the Kor^n in his
hands, open at the part where Dost Mahomed Khan,
two years before, had written the most horrible de-
mmciations on himself if ever he deprived him (the
nawab) of Jelalabad. Special care was taken that
no outrage was committed on the nawab or on his
family, but their dependants were rifled and de-
nuded without scruple or remorse. The Nawab
Jab& Khan reached Tatang the day before the as-
sault and capture of Jelalabad, at which he was not
willing to be present. In the evening of that day,
walking along the skirts of the hills between the
castle and Balia Bagh, I met him with a small
party. He produced, with much satisfaction, a coj)-
per coin which he had picked up somewhere on the
road, and which proved to be one of Agathocles.
He had left Kabal in company with Haji Khan, and
together they reached Bhut Khak. The nawab
took the road of Sokhta Chan&, and the khan that
of Khurd Kibal, whence he marched upon Bangash,
and was next heard of at Peshawer, where he was
cordially received, appointed naib, and assigned a
j%hir of one hundred and twenty thousand rupees
per annum. He had arrived to take pai-t in the
machinations concocted by the chiefs there against

216

ARRANGEMENTS.

their brother, DostrMahomed Khdn, whose celerity,
however, had rendered them nugatory, and by the
opportune acquisition of Jel^abad and the command
of its resources, made him more formidable than
ever. Amir Mahomed Khan arrived from Kdbal a
day or two after the capture of Jelalabad, and
gravely expostulated with Mahomed Zeman Khdn
on his rashness in firing upon Dost Mahomed Khfin,
who, he pretended, had no idea of interfering with
Jelalabad; but was merely passing by, intending
to make a demonstration against Peshawer, and
with no more serious purpose than to bring his un-
toward brothers there to an imderstanding. The
territory of Jelalabdd was placed under the govern-
ment of Amir Mahomed Khan, and a j%hir, to the
value of one hundred and fifty thousand rupees per
annum, was made over to MahomedrZeman Khan,
and the quota of troops he was to entertain fixed at
three hundred. The mirzas of Jelalabad were rein-
stated in ofiSce, and Sadat Khan, after some days’
imprisonment, was released, on condition that he
should give a daughter to one of the amir’s sons.
Dost Mahomed Khan encamped bet-ween the town
and river, and shortly after seized the saiyad chief
of Peshat in Khonar, then in his camp, and de-
spatched Mulla Momind Khdn to occupy his little
domain. Many reasons were urged for the step ; suf-
ficient ones were, that he was a sworn friend to
HSjl Khfin, and that his country lay in the road to

ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION. 217

It may here be noted, that besides depending up-
on the assistance of the Peshawer sirdars, the
Nawab Mahomed Zeman Khan had^ been tsdlling,
by the assassination of Dost Mahomed.. Kh^, ' to
have ridden himself of apprehension from him, and
commissioned ^a desperate man in his employ to
commit the deed. This man went to Kdbal where
his family resided, and one night, by means of a
ladder, ascended into the apartment where Dost
Mahomed Khan was sleeping with one of his ladies.
He relented of his fell purpose, as, he said himself
afterwards, he thought it a pity to kill such a man,
and carried off his shawl, trowsers, &c. as trophies of
his visit, which he presented to the nawab, and
claimed his reward. The ladder was left standing,
and was of course discovered in the morning. Subse-
quently the man came to Kabal, resided openly in
the Balia Hiss^, made no secret, or very little, of
what he had done, and was unnoticed by Dost Ma-
homed Khan. In course of time he was shot one
evening as he came from a tlindii’s hoirse, by some
Rikas. His friends demanded the blood of the
Rikas at the hands of Dost Mahomed Khan, who
manifestly favouring them, pretended there was not
evidence enough against them.

Mahomed Zemin Khin by the loss of Jelalabad
was deprived of authority, which he may have prized,
although not very able in its exercise, yet he did
not otherwise suflPer, as he preserved his wealth,
supposed to be great. From that time, while con-

218

ZEMAN khan’s CONDUCT.

stantly engaged wkh the Nawab Jabar Khan, and
others, in the intrigues of the hour, he generally se-
cluded^ himself; and by pretending sickness, or afflic-
tions of the limbs, excused his attendance upon Dost
Mahomed Khan, whom he constantly asserted it
would be meritorious to slay, althougl^ to kill Ranjit
Singh, an infidel, would be a crime. He seldom
called Dost Mahomed Khan by any other name
than Dostak, and was alike accustomed familiarly
to address JHahomed j^zem Khan, when living, as
Azem.

In the recent events at Kabal he would seem to
have taken a conspicuous part, or, perhaps, he has
been made an instrument by others for the sake of
his wealth. I have understood, that in common
with the seniors of the Barak Zai family, he did not
use to wait upon the shah, but sent rhis son Shuja
Dowlah, a youth, by whom the unfortunate prince
has been eventually slain.

Immediately after the arrival of the NawAb Jabar
Khan, and the capture of JelAlabad, I directed my
attention to the topes of Dariinta, and was engaged
in their examination until the Nawab Jabar Klinn
earnestly requested me to accompany his son, Abdul
Ghias Khan, who it appeared was destined to be
sent to India to receive an English education. I
had much rather the request had not been made,
yet knew not how to evade it, and consented to
accompany the puth to Peshawer at all events,
and to Lahore, if necessary. I was soon informed

ABDUL GHIAS KHAN.

219

that Dost Mahomed Khan by no means approved
of the mission of Abddl Ghi& Khan, if on no other
account, that he beheld his brother, the nawab, vdth
jealousy, and disliked that he should form any con-
nexion, however faint, with the British, or any other
government. On the other hand, it need not be
supposed that the nawab had any but interested
political motives in forwarding his son at the pre-
sent conjuncture, when the interests of the family
were threatened by Shah Sujah al Mtilkh, who, it
was generally believed, was supported by the British
government. In his most extravagant expecta-
tions the nawib had been encouraged by the British
agent, Saiyad Karamat Ali, with whom the scheme
of sending Abdul GMas Khin originated. Through
the medium of the saiyad also, he corresponded
with the shfih, being fearful in such a matter to
confide to his own mirzas. Dost Mahomed Khan
would probably have detained the youth, nor have
permitted him to proceed, but the naAvab delayed
his departure until the time arrived when Dost
Mdhomed Kh^n was compelled, by the events
transpiring at Kandahar, to return towards Kdbal,
when Abdul GMas Khan was sent for from Tatang,
and secretly placed on a raft and floated down the
river to Peshdwer, his horses and attendants beinsr
to follow him. I could not retract my promise, and
in a few days started from Tatang, with a formidable
cavalcade, the retinue of the young lad, for Pesh-
awer. The first march we made to Ali B%hdn,.

DISPUTE AT DAKA.

220

six cosses east o:& JelalaMd, and the second took
us to Bassowal. On the third we reached Daka
at th& easterir termination of the Jelalabad valley.
Here, on ihe Momands claiming the customary
passage-fees, the nawAb’s people talked largely, and
refused to pay them. Some altercation followed,
but at length it was conceded by the claimants, that
as the nawab’s people were Mussulmans as well
as belonging to the nawab, the fees should be re-
mitted, and that I should be considered in the ligfit
of a guest, and not asked to pay anything, but that
two or three Hindds of the party must pay the
usual sums, as they no farther belonged to us than
as being in our company. The nawab’s people
refused to allow the Hindds to be taxed, and on
my professing willingness to pay for the men and
for myself, horses and servants,' according to custom,

I was entreated not to mention such a thing* as it
would be derogatory to the nawdb. The Momands
then offered to commute the matter by acceptance
of a sheep ; but this in like manner was refused ;
when they waxed sore, and insisted on the payment
of full fees. Many of them congregrated, and but
for the nazir of Sadat Khan, who happened to be
with them, we should all have been plundered, if
not worse treated during the night. In the morn-
ing fresh debates ensued, and it was finally settled
to refer the business to Sddat Khin himself, who
we found was at ShelmAn, a spot in the hills. Mr
mirza was sent as agent to our party, being per^

INTERVIEW WITH SADAT KHAN. 221

sonally known to the khin. On his return he re-
ported, that SMat KhAn, after cursing Dost Ma-
homed Khan and the naw^h, affirmed that he- could
not interfere with the claims of his ulus, or tribe,
but that he remitted his own share in the fees, or
, one-third. The flawab’s people, I thought, were,
very rightly served ; but now there was another evil,
for it proved they had no money to pay the fees,
and after all they were compelled to draw on my
funds. Sadat Khan had sent a very civil message
to me, and requested me to wear country clothes,
as my mirza had told him I was clad in European
costume. The next morning we marched for Shel-
man, and, after passing Daka Khurd, commenced
the ascent of a high and difficult pass. We had
nearly reached the summit when a host of fire-lock
men came with rapidity down the steep sides of
the hill. It was SMat Khan and his followers. I
had a few minutes’ conversation with the khdn, and
while complaining of the losses Dost Mahomed
KhM had inflicted upon him on the capture of
JelalabM, he consoled himself with the notion that
if defeated by Shah Sujah al Mulkh, his rM gurez,
or the road by which he would fly, might bring him
to the Momand hills, when he would retaliate upon
him and remunerate himself. Sadat KhM was a
man of very good address, and is a very respectable
chief, contriving to keep a turbulent tribe in ex-
cellent order. SMat KhM is now a fugitive,' and
rebel. I know not the causes leading to a result,

222 ABILITY AND FATE OF SADAT KHAN.

which I may, however, regret, because I feel assured
that nothing but ignorance and unfair treatment
could -have made him so. When I left Peshawer,
in 1838, he vas aware of the intended restoration
of Shah Stijah al Mdlkh, expressed his satisfaction,
and declared his readiness to aid in the views of the
Indian government, and that he did not want money.
Khan BaliMar KhS.n of Khaibar, and other chiefs
of the neighbourhood, said the same thing. We want
no money. It would not surprise me if more had
been required of Sadat Khin than ought to have
been, and that he has been punished to conceal
the weakness and ill-judgment of others. I have
heard as much from a Sadu Zai prince engaged
in the transactions of that period. If unfortunate
for Sadat Khan, it is no less so for his tribe, and
for those who pass through their country, for never
was tribe or country kept in better order than by
him. Turabaz Khan, the nominee of the British,
is a good man, and services he may have rendered
deserve requital, but his supporters cannot give him
ability or conduct, and both are required in the
chief of a powerful 6lus, and were possessed by
Sadat Kh^n.

The ascent of the kotal achieved, we came upon
the table land of Shelman Kelan, which we traversed
throughout its extent; nor was it until evening that
we reached Shelman Khurd, seated upon a fine
rivulet, the banks fringed with oleanders, at the
western base of the gr eat Kotal of Tatara. The

RENCONTBJB.

223

inhabitants here were not disposQ,d to be very civil,
and in the night rain descended, not in showers
but in floods. In the morning we commenced the
ascent of the pass, exceedingly long and diflficult
to the cattle, from the smooth surface of the rock,
over which, in maiy parts, the road leads. From
the summit of Tdtara the view is very extensive,
but the hazy state of the atmosphere over the Pesh-
awer plain prevented it from being observed with
advantage. The road now winds around the brinks
of fearful precipices, and it was only a little before
arriving at the village of Mulla Ghori, still among
the hills, that it improved. Hence the road, had
we followed it, was good ; but the nawab’s people,
to avoid a village where the inhabitants have a bad
character, deviated from it, with the intention of
making Ispind ^Sang, a village on the plain of Pesh-
awer."^ We were speedily bewildered amid ravines,
the passages blocked up with boulders, and, to com-
plete our confusion, a party of ruffians, with long-
knives in their hands, rushed down upon us. Flad
we been together we should have been too form-
idable in number for these men to have approached
us, but we were scattered, and they asailed us who
were in advance. Not one of them touched me,
all passing ; I presume because, although unarmed,
I was so well dressed that they suspected I was some
more important personage than I was. They cried
one to the other, looking at me, “Dar sirdar df,
prej di ;” that is a sirdar, do not touch him. Much

224

AREIVAL AT PESHAWER.

miscWef had not^ been done when they observed
our companions in the rear pressing forward, and
a parley took, place, which closed by a few rupees
being given to them, when they made off. After
this rencontre we cleared the hills, and descending
into the plain, reached Ispind- Sang. Here we
occupied the hujrr; and the nawS,b’s people sent
for supplies to the malek of the village, who re-
plied, that had they come to him he would have re-
ceived them as guests, but as they had taken up
quarters at the hujri they must find themselves.
We had more rain at this place, and I was glad
when the morning broke forth, that I could push
on to Peshawer. I found Abdul Ghlas Khan
lodged with his uncle, the Sirdar Sultan Mahomed
Khdn, but that affairs had arrived at a sad state.
The Sikh army under Hari Singh ^was encamped
at Chamkani, three cosses from the city, and it was
feared that he intended to occupy it under plea of
a treaty, arranged between Ranjit Singh and Shfih
Sujah al Mulkh, consequent to the departure of the
latter from Ludi^a. Some affected to believe that
the treaty had been concocted by the consent, and
under the sanction, of the British political agent at
Ludiana. Hari Singh, avowedly, only demanded the
annual tribute in horses, rice, swords, &c., which, by
their engagements the sirdars were bound to give,
but he was not easily satisfied, and by rejecting
horses &c., as not suitable, he gained time, which was
clearly his object. The sirdars, aware of the actual

RIDICULOUS ALARMS. 225

aspect of affairs, had sent their families to Minchini,
on the northern side of the Kdbal river, with their
guns and other property. They remained in Pesh-
awer, with their horses ready to be saddled at a
moment's notice, and it was somewhat ridiculous
about twice or thrice every day, to see the servants
nmning out' with the saddles on their heads, and
returning when they discovered that the alarm
which had been given was a false one. All the
doors and windows of their houses, indeed every-
thing of wood which was portable, had been carried
away; and I understood such had always been the
case whenever the Sikhs had encamped near Pesh-
awer. By the treaty before alluded to Peshawer
had been ceded to Ranjit Singh, and no doubt
Hari Singh was commissioned to look after its
execution. '»

Everything at this particular crisis conspired to
favour the designs of the Sikhs; and the plots de-
vised by the chiefs of Peshawer to effect the ruin
of Dost Mahomed Khdn immediately involved
their own ; and their fate affords an example of
evil falling upon those who imagine it. The
promptitude of their Kabal brother in the capture
of Jelalabid, had broken up the confederacy against
him, and they now, in turn, began to be apprehen-
sive lest he should attack them ; and in truth they
were at his mercy ; but while he could easily have
expelled them, and have overrun their country, he
might not have been competent to have retained it

VOL. in.

226

PESHAWER INTRIGUES.

at this time. Their fears, however, induced them to
apply to the Sikhs for assistance, who readily pro-
mised it on certain considerations, and Hari Singh
gladly crossed the Atak river, which, if they had not
played into his game, he might not have done, but
would have been content to have watched the course
of events in the country east of it. The arrival of
Hdji Khan, also in conformity to their plans for the
destruction of Dost MSbiomed Khan, in which he was
intended to have been a main instrument, proved se-
riously detrimental to the sird&s. Disappointed in
his projects as to Dost Mahomed Khan, but anxious
to evince his capability in his character of naib, he
proposed a variety of innovations: amongst them,
to refom the army, and to dismiss all the shias, or
infidels. These men, the remnants of the old Ghu-
1am Khana of Peshawer, were yet powerful, if not

- ly

a very numerous body, and growing incensed at the
propositions of Haji Khan, and fearing the effects
of his ascendancy, at once opened a communication
with the Sikhs, as did many others, not shlas, but
who could not feel confidence in Haji Khdn. The
principal Hindu diwans of the country were also in
correspondence with Hari Singh ; and had he not
been furnished with positive orders or discretionary
powers, the opportunity was so tempting that he
would scarcely have been warranted, in Sikh po-
licy, to have foregone it. After he had procured
from the sird&s beyond the ordinary complement
of tribute, he sent a message to them, that the

ADVANCE OF SIKH ARMY. 227

Shahzida Noh Nilifl Singli, the grandson of Ranjit
Singh, who was with the army, desired to see the
city, and it would be well that they should eva-
cuate it, and retire to Bagh All Mird^ Khan, when
the shahzida would ride round it, and then the
army would retirer towards the Atak. The morn-
ing came, when Sultdn Mahomed Khan, who had
always his spy-glass in hand, descried the Sikh
force in motion. All became panic-struck, and
horses were saddled and mounted in a trice. The
house was emptied as if by magic, and none re-
mained in it but Abdul Ghias Kh^, his party,
and myself. We ascended the roof, and beheld
the Sikhs moving forward in very respectable style.
In the van was the young sh^hzMa on an ele-
phant, with Hari Singh and a variety of Sikh
chiefs, attended by a host of cavalry. Behind them
followed the battalions of M. Court, advancing in
columns at a brisk pace. On reaching the gardens
attached to the house we were in the first shots
were fired, some Afghans being concealed among
the trees. They were soon cleared out, and the
march of the force was not affected by the desul-
tory opposition. Subsequently we heard some
smart firing, and learned during the day that the
Sikhs, pressing too close upon Hdji Khin, who
covered the retreat of Sultdn Mahomed Khdn,
the khan lost patience and turned upon them.
He handled them severely, and, as admitted by
themselves, checked their advance until the bat-

Q %

228

PESHAWER TAKEN.

talions came* up. -Klian Maliomed Khan, the bro-
ther of HAji Khan, was badly wounded in this
skirmish, but =was borne off the field. Some very
splendid instances of individual bravery were ex-
hibited by the Afghans, and one gallant fellow
cut down six of his opponents.'' The Sikhs, hav-
ing completed the circuit of the city, encamped
under the Bffla Hissar to the east : the discom-
fited sirdfos retired to Takkal, and then to Shek-
han, at the skirts of the hills. My mirza in the
course of the day went to the Sikh camp, M'here
he saw Hari Singh, who asked where I had been
during the tamasha, or sport. He replied, that I
had witnessed it from the roof. He then asked,
jocularly, where the sirdars had gone. The mirza
said to Takkal, to prepare for battle. The sirdar
laughed and said. No, no ; nasgher, nasgher;
they have run away, they have run away some
to Kohat, some to Khaibar. I certainly was
amused at the almost ridiculous manner in which
the Sikhs had made themselves masters of an
important and productive country, and Sultan Ma-
homed Khan was as much to be laughed at as to be
pitied, for in place of adopting any means of de-
fence he had sent away the better part of his
troops, and prohibited the citizens and people of the
country from defending the city, as they wished.
Pir Mahomed Khan was accustomed to say, that he
had three lakhs of rupees, and did not care who
knew it ; that he had reserved them for such a cri-

arrangements.

229

sis as this; that he would assemhle the Ghazis, and
do many wonderful things. H^ji Kh4n would,
when such valorous speeches were made, embrace
the sirdar, saying he must kiss the lips &om which
such words flowed. Pir Mahomed Khan, however,
thought it better to keep his three lakhs of rupees,
and hastened to Kohdt to collect what he could
from the inhabitants, previously to bis departure ul-
timately from the country. The force with Hari
Singh did not exceed nine thousand men ; and had
a show of serious resistance been made he would
at least have been obliged to temporize; also, had
the city, although an open one, been put in a
condition for defence, and the system of kucha
bandi adopted, he was scarcely competent to have
forced it. As it was, with a small force he pos-
sessed himself of a country which, some years be-
fore, Ranjit Singh in person, with twenty-five thou-
sand men, did not venture to retain. True it is,
that since that period the spirit of the Mahome-
dans had become dejected by repeated defeats, and
that there was, as there universally is, treachery
in the Durani camps and councils. Abdul Ghias
KhSn had visited the Shahzfida Noh Nihil Singh,
and the arrangements for his departure for Ludiana
had been fixed ; I therefore did not see the occa-
sion for my accompanying him, as his forward jour-
ney would be safe and easy. His uncles of Pesha-
wer were very averse to his intended sojourn in
India, and might possibly have taken upon them-

230

ABDUL QHIAS KBAN.

selves to have detained him, considering its ob-
ject a political one. They reasoned, that the nawab,
his father, an’d not themselves, would benefit by it.
They had,' however, given me their hands, and
pledged themselves to permit him to proceed, and
their abrupt departure, at any rate, deprived them
of an opportunity of violating their promises, while
Abdul GMas Khan became free to follow up his
father’s instructions.

CHAPTER X.

Departure from Peshdwer. — March to Shekhan. — Ex-sirdars, —
Their conversation. — Fati Mahomed Khan’s civility. — Encamp-
ment. — Bara river. — Popular credulity. — Departure for Min-
cMnl — Alarm on road. — Old monument. — Badragas. — Min-
chini. — Ghilji. — Haidar Khan. — Jalawans. — Fearful state of
the river. — Consultation. — Passage of the river. — Rahmatulah’s
dexterity. — Shelman. — Ghiljfs piety. — Plain of Shelman. —
Kotal, — Bahadar’s request. — Daka Khurd. — Good fortune. —
Congratulations. — Daka Kelan. — Ldlpura. — Curious conversa-
tion. — Suspicions. — Precautions. — Khurd Khaibar.— Momand’s
tale. Momand’s intention. — Hdzaraoh. — Ee-appearance of
Ghijji. — Wilford’s Nysa and Mount Meru. — Bassowal. — Ghilji
dnd'‘*his gang. — Necessity for action. — Kohistanis. — Night
march. — Bati Kot. — Surkh Diwar. — Chdghatai castle. — Good-
will of Kohistams. — Mirza Aga Jan. — His surmises. — My own
conjectures. — Ghilji’s evil repute. — Subsequent attempts. — Re-
newal of researches.

Taking farewell of the naw4b’s son, we started
for the fugitive sirdar’s camp at Shekhdn, distant
about ten miles from Peshawer. The march was
rather a hazardous one, as our Sikh soldiers did
not dare to pass the limits of the city gardens,
and the natives of the villages on our route were
under arms. We, however, managed to pass safely
through them, being considered devout Mahomedans

232 ex-sirdars’, CONVERSATION.

retiring from the sity .profaned by the presence of
infidels; and ultimately crossing the Bara river,
we found, under the shade of its high bank, lying
covered with lungMs, the Sirdar Sultan Mahomed
Khan, with his brother, Saiyad Mahomed Khin,
HAji Kh4n, and UsS'izji, the son of the late Mir
Wais. They were not, probably, in their own esti-
mation so conveniently accommodated as in their
commodious dwellings at Peshawei*, but I could
not forbear thinking that to such men a little
adversity is useful. When they arose, SultM Ma-
homed Khan alluded to no other topic than the
perfidy of the Sikhs, apparently losing sight of his
own misfortunes, or consoling himself by reviling
the authors of them. Haji Khan, consistently
enough, proposed a variety of stratagems by which
the city might be recovered, and olfered to execute
many venturous deeds, aware that he should not be
sanctioned. The sirdar replied to all his proposals,
by expressions of horror and surprise at the unpa-
ralleled disregard of oaths evinced by Hari Singh.
Poor Saiyad Mahomed Khan said not a word, and
appeared careless of what had happened ; Hafizji and
others, who had now arrived, seemed, by their signi-
ficant looks at each other, to intimate the predi-
cament into which they had been brought, and their
wonderment as to what was to follow. After sitting
some time in company with the sirdar and his circle,
I repaired to the tent of one Nazir Abdul Rehim,
where I was provided . with quarters. Close to us

BABA KIVEB.

233

was the tent of Fati Mahomed Khan, Popal Zai,
with whom were accommodated Mahomed Osman
Khin, son ofWafadar Kh^, the Sadu Zai vazir,
and Hafizji, the son of Mir Wais. Fati Mahomed
Khan, as soon as he perceived me, sent over a dish
of sweetmeats and tea, and this civility he continued
while I remained in camp. This was located on
the Bara, at the spot where its course is intercepted
by hands, or artificial ramparts, by which its waters
are diverted into canals for the irrigation of the
circumjacent plain. The water is proverbially ex-
cellent as an aliment, and as conducive to the ferti-
lity of the soil. It is believed that to its peculiar
virtues a celebrated variety of rice, called in con-
sequence the Bara rice, owes its length of grain
and delicate flavour. The river has its source in
the hills of Tirah, and from the benefits it confers
upon the country has been from time immemorial
an object of veneration ; and Shekhan, or the spot
where the division of its waters is effected, is held
particularly sacred. The Mahomedans of the coun-
try have a belief, that if a Hindu should bathe in
the stream at this particular place its waters dimi-
nish. They have therefore erected a tower on its
right bank, where is constantly stationed a guard
of Momands, who, besides watching over the hands,
are enjoined to guard against the pollution of the
z’iver. Should so calamitous an event accidentally
occur it is judged necessary to sacrifice a cow,
when the waters, it is said, gradually increase until

234

ALAEM ON ROAD.

they regain their usual volume. There is a grove
of trees and ziarat here, where is a stone which,
according to popular credence, if struck by a musket-
ball discharges blood. As the Mdhomedans will
on no account fire at it themselves, and would hold
it very profane in others to do so, rhe stone is likely
to preserve its character, and their faith in its pro-
perty to remain entire.

Sultan Mahomed Kh&a made it a point of honour
to consider me his guest, and I was sumptuously
entertained, eating my suppers by the glare of nu-
merous torch-lights ; but I felt ashamed to be feed-
ing luxuriously in a camp where the soldiers were
subsisting on parched grain ; I therefore requested,
after a stay of three days, to be provided with a
companion for Minchini, and the sirdar commis-
sioned his Shehinchi Bashi, who had business there,
to attend me. We started before daybreak,^ and
by the time it was broad daylight found ourselves
on the j)lam, with the Khaibari village of Jamrud
on our left hand, and to our right the village of
Takkal, distinguished by its topes and sepulchral
mounds. Here our ears were assailed by the din
of the Sikh nagaras, which made us both accelerate
our pace and close upon the hills. On gaining a
village, called Reghi Balia, the inhabitants were
busy in removing their effects, the report having
spread that the infidels were approaching. We
again made for the skirts of the hills, and traced

OLD MONUMENT. 235

them until we reached the large, but now deserted
village of Ispind Diri

In our course to Minchim*we passed a monument
of the olden time, a square structure, and fonned
rather rudely of stones. The length of each face
may have been about twelve feet, and the height
a little more, or about fifteen feet. Surrounding
it were abundant vestiges of walls and minor
mounds. With a castle, called Killa Arbib, on our
fight hand, we reached the river, and crossed on
a jfila, or float of inflated skins. The Shehinchi
Bashi conducted me to the tent of Naib Miilla
Abdul Kerim, who it appeared had charge of the
sirddr’s property, &c., at Minchini, and he imme-
diately sent for the malek of the village, who
was directed to provide me with trustworthy bad-
ragas, or -safe-conductors, to Daka, from whom a
written acknowledgment of my arrival there in
security would be demanded. The malek soon
brought from his village two men, Rahmat Ulah
and Bahadar, both of LMpura, and in the service
of SMat Khin, the Momand chief. The uaib ar-
ranged the amount of fees to be paid, which came
to eight and a half rupees, six for my three horses,
one and a half for my three men on foot, and one
rupee for the ferryman’s hire at Abkhana, it having
been arranged that we should pass by that route.
There were many people sitting vrith Naib Abdul
Kerim ; amongst them, on his right hand,
one Saleh Mahomed, a Ghilji.

was

236

THE GHILJI.

MincMni is a straggling village of about two
hundred houses and huts, on the river side, and at
the foot of lovir rocky hills. It has some eight or
ten Hindu dok^s, or shops, and as many dispersed
square defensive towers on slight eminences. It
belongs to Sadat Khan, and is of consequence as
being the ferry by which goods and passengers are
crossed, intending to traverse the AbkhAna route,
also from its site being at the point where the great
river of Kabal issues upon the plain of Peshawer.

While at Minchini the Ghilji whom I had seen
in Naib Abdul Kerim’s tent came to me, and re-
presented that he was of a respectable family at
Maidan, west of Kabal, and the chief of a thousand
families ; when the Nawab Jabar KhAn was hAkam
he had differences with him, which caused him to
abandon his native seats ; that he then retired to
Kandahar, and subsequently to Peshawer ; that he
was weary of wandering, and desired to return to
his connexions at Maidan. He prayed me, on
reaching Kabal, to employ my good offices to re-
concile him with the nawAb. I replied, that I would
speak to the nawAb, but of course could promise
nothing farther. On mounting to commence our
journey I found that Saleh MAhomed intended to
accompany us, and I had seen him, in course of the
day, sitting in a neighbouring masjit, in close com-
munion with my Momand badragas.

We had proceeded some two or three hundred
yards along the river-bank when we were stopped

HAIDAR KHAN— JALAWANS. 237

by some men, wbo affected to believe that we were
passing clandestinely, and one of my Momands re-
turned to the village, and brought t-he malek, who
satisfied his people. About a mile further we came
to a small village of about one hundred houses, the
original Minchm% which is very picturesquely seat-
ed. Hence we crossed the hills, none of them very
high, for about fom- cosses, and arrived at the village
of Haidar Khan, of about one hundred and fifty
houses, placed on an extensive plateau, or table-
land, and well supplied with water in a rivulet.
This we crossed and fixed ourselves for the night
at a detached portion of the village, inhabited
chiefly by jalawans, people with whom we had a
little to say, as they have in charge the ferry of
Abkhana. We were here provided with every-
thing we needed, as chah^pdhis, mats, &c.; our pro-
visions were cheei’fully cooked for us, and our treat-
ment was in every respect civil. Our badragas ne-
gotiated for our passage across the river on the mor-
row ; and the jalawans, alleging that at this season
of the year no one thought of taking this road, and
that their massaks, or skins, were dry, engaged to
moisten them, and do their best to put us over in
safety. They proposed that we should employ a
certain number of swimmers in addition to the men
seated on and directing the jalas, or floats; to which
we readily consented ; and to remunerate them gave
a sheep as offering to the pu, or saint, at R6nar, a
spot near Lalpura, who is supposed to interest him-

238 BOISTEROUS STATE OF RIVER.

self in the fate of those who travel on jilas, provided
hy meet oblations they prove themselves worthy of
his protection. ’ In the morning of the next day we
made a smart ascent from Haidar Khan, and a de-
scent, equally long and difficult, brought us to the
river. I was astonished at its boisterous state, and
the frightful scene presented by the rocks,, whirlpools,
and surges, with the rapidity of the current. My Mo-
mand conductors had misgivings, and regretted that
they had not taken the Tatara route. Even the jM'’-
awms, while affirming that they would do their
best, said they could not engage for safety. I was
perfectly confused, for I never expected that such
obstacles were in our way, and, incompetent to judge
of the degree of safety or danger, I very closely
questioned the jalawans, who now held the threads
of our destinies in their hands, and I fthought from
the statements of these honest fellows that '’they
hoped to get over, and I felt inclined to trust myself
and fortunes to their care. At the same time, I
thought it becoming, to consult my attendants, and
pointing out to them that the river was more form-
idable than I had anticipated, while they had heard
all that the jMawdns had said, I offered, if they had
doubts as to the passage, to return, as no evil had
been yet done, and we were still on the safe side.
They, like myself, were willing to trust to chance,
and the jffiawans prepared their float.

While the machine was being adjusted Saleh
Mahomed, who kept himself very much apart, twice

..PASSAGE OF THE RIVER. 239

or thrice called Bahddar aside, who as often said to
me on his return, looking scornfully towards the
Ghilji, “D^ khush sarai di;” That -is a worthless
fellow. The float was formed of eight. skins; and
when ready our baggage was placed thereon, above
which were seate<?three of my servants. Four men
with 'paddles wei’e alike perched on it, and half a
dozen swimmers accompanied. It narrowly escaped
being upset on starting, and vsdth the celerity of an
arrow was borne across the river. By the great
efforts of the paddlers and swimmers it was impelled
upon the opposite bank, just before a spot which
appeared most dangerous to me, from the tremen-
dous whirlpools at it. Yet through these very
whirlpools the emptied jala was brought back, so
fearless and accustomed thereto are the jdlawdns of
Abkhdna. •

My mirza, the Ghilji, and myself, now took our
seats, and as the float was not overloaded with bag-
gage, we were passed with comparative facility, and
made a point higher up than the float had before
gained. I observed my people on the opposite
banks raise their hands in supplication, but there
was no time for reflection, as the passage was the
work of an instant. Before I was landed the men
asked me for inam, or reward, which, as their expec-
tations did not exceed one rupee, I readily promised,
seeing that unasked I should have given them more.
The swimmers next passed my horses, and completed
the transport of the party and all belonging to it.

240 PLAIN OP SHELMAN. 1

R4hinatulah, one ^of the Momands, would fain
show his dexterity, and cross with his own massak.
Twice he was carried away by the stream, once caught
in the whirlpools, from which he contrived to reach
the same bank he started from, and the second time
again engulphed by the same obstacles ; on extri-
cating himself he was fairly borne down the river.
The circumstance afforded merriment to the j41-
awans, who laughed at the notion of -a man of LS.1-
pura attempting to imitate the swimmers of Ab-
khana.

From the river-bank we made a long, and some-
times precipitous ascent, until we reached the sum-
mit of the range, from which we descried Shelman
Kelan, the village at which we purposed to halt
for the night. Om' road hence was good, leading
over a broken surface, until we reacdied the table-
land of Shelman. At its commencement was a
choki, or guard-station, where a trifling fee is ex-
acted from passengers ; we passed on, leaving our
badragas to settle it. On reaching a small castle,
with a few houses without the walls, we stopped
until they rejoined us. Here it was decided to
remain, and chaharpdMs, mats, Ac., were furnished
to the party, with necessaries, but at high prices.
Our Ghilji friend seated himself in the masjit, de-
fined simply by a circle of stones, and, with his
rosary in his hand, chanted many hymns. I did
not at all like this man ; keeping close to us, he
was very reserved, and seemed to avoid all inter-

DAKA KHURD.

241

course. The elevated valley of Shelman may be
from five to six miles in length from east to •west,
with a breadth of about a mile and half. On
the north it descends abruptly upon the river of
Kabal, and on the south a ridge of hills separates
it from the Shin'wri districts. Much of its surface
is cultivated, and wheat is the grain chiefly gro'wn.
Over it are dispersed some ten or twelve small
hamlets, which consist of square towers, with a fe'W
houses around them. The plain is inhabited by
the Shah Mansur Khel, a tribe of Momands. My
badragas here enjoined especial vigilance dui’ing
the night, urging the proximity of the Shinwari
hills. In the morning we proceeded up the plain,
and at its extremity came to a tower and choki
at the ridge of the pass, which abruptly commences.
In a recess; of the hills to our left at this point
was s *dand, or' pool of water. From the choki
a comprehensive ■view is obtained of the valley
of Jelalabad. "We thought it better to dismount,
as the road is very precipitous for some distance,
when it improves, until a minor, but diificult, ascent
is made, from which we descend upon Daka Khurd,
or Little D4ka, a small village on the river. Here
BahMar and SMeh Mahomed, who were in advance,
seated themselves and waited my arrival ; and as
the Momand did not speak Persian fluently, the
Ghilj], acting as his interpreter, intimated to
me the necessity of giving inflm, or reward, at
the village we were about to gain. I turned to

VOL. III.

242

FORTUNATE TEMERITY.

Bahadar, and objected to be questioned amongst
bills, upon a point on wbicb I had perfect free
will, and told him that Dhka Kelhn, or Great
Dhka, was the place where such a demand would
be considered. He instantly rose, and feeling the
reproof, moved on, while I saw that the Ghilji was
chagrined the point had not been pressed.

Daka Khdrd contains about eighty houses, and
is pleasantly enough situated. We halted awhile,
and enjoyed cool draughts of buttermilk, bowls Qf
which were brought to us. Continuing our journey,
the road skirting the rocks on the brink of the river,
we at length found our progress impeded by the
river, which had overflown and inundated the path.
There was still a track practicable to men on foot
over the rocks above us, but it was necessary, un-
less we returned and followed some other road,
to carry our luggage on men’s backs, and t<r swim
our horses against the current for a considerable
distance. As our experience and good-fortune at
Abkhhia had made us bold in aquatic affairs, all
this was done, and our horses were brought round
in safety to the village called Daka Kelan. The
inhabitants congratulated us on our arrival, and
averred that there must be some holia, or sacred
personage, of our party, for they had never known
the Abkhana passage to be attempted at this sea-
son, though their beards had grown white, and they
had never dreamed that horses could have been
swam against the current, as they had now wit-

DAKA KELAN.

243

nessed. They informed us that we ought to have
taken a road which led by a zi&at. We were,
indeed, aware of another road, which, besides being
rather circuitous, winds under the kotal of Lo-
hagi, and comes out at the extremity of the Dara
Haft Chah, or vajley of seven wells, of Khaibar.
From Shelman to Daka Kelan the distance may
have been about seven or eight miles. We made
for a grove of mulberry-trees near the river, which
was very full, with several islands in it. There
are too or three small hamlets at Daka Kelan,
at the principal of which Sadat Khan, to whom
it belongs, has built a serai for the accommo-
dation of kafilas. There are several Hindd traders
located, as the place is a constant stage to kafilas
and passengers travelling between Peshawer and
Jelalabdd, from its site, at the entrance to
the. Mils; and -it also stands at the head of the
roads both of Khaibar and Abkhana, On the
opposite bank of the river is Lalpura, a town
of about eight hundred houses, the little capital
of the Momands, and where resides their chief,
Sadat Khan. Ferry-boats ply between the two
places.

While we were resting under the shade of the
mulberry-trees four men, Afghans, came, and seat-
ing themselves, set to work in making chapplis,
or rude sandals, as is the custom of the moun-
taineers in these regions, of the beaten stems of
a plant, the fish, a species of aloe. Very close.

E 2

244

SALEH MAHOMED.

to me, I could bpit Lear every word they said ;
and presuming, I conclude, that I could not com-
prehend Pashto, they talked very loudly and freely.
I was not much gratified to discover that plunder
was the object they had in view, and that their
sandals were being made to enable them to follow
me up. It was also edifying to hear the rogues
chuckle over their contemplated booty, and to
witness how they laughed, and fancied themselves
in possession of the ducats which, they said, J
had round my waist. One thing was fortunate,
that I overheard them, and became aware of the
danger to which I was exposed. I neither did nor
said anything by which the fellows could imagine
I was cognizant of their intentions, but allowed
them to complete their sandals and depart in
peace. I then inquired where Saleh Mahomed
was, and was told he had not been seen '-since
leaving Daka Khurd. I suspected this man in-
tended to play me a trick ; and in the neigh-
bourhood of the Shinwaris, he could, unluckily
for me, experience no difficulty in finding fit as-
sociates. . .

In the morning, on arrival here, I had heard
that a strong party of Kohistams had reached
from Peshawer by the Tatara route, on their way
to Kabal. In the service of Sultan Mahomed
Khan, they were returning to their homes, on the
breaking up of his authority. I sent to the vil-
lage to ascertain if these men were still there.

•DISMISS THE MOMANDS. 245

They had left it on their journey. I then or-
dered our cattle to be laden, and horses saddled.
I called the Momands, and, making them a pre-
sent "which quite pleased them, expressed my wish
that they should accompany us as far as Hazar
Noh, mid'way be^'ween Daka and Bassowal, at
■which place I purposed to pass the night. To
this they cheerfully assented. Between Daka and
Hazar Noh the road is desolate, and there is
a.niple room for accident ; but I felt pretty cer-
tain that no one would venture to interfere with
us so long as we had the Momands with us,
for it is not the object of robbers to be recog-
nised. About a mile beyond Daka we passed
Khurd Khaibar, as it is called, where were a few
kishdis, or black tents, and numerous ancient
mounds and caves. -

The road, heretofore along the river bank, now
leads amongst low hills for some distance, until
we enter the little plain of Ghirdi, a village of
that name lying to our right on the river. From
Ghirdi, rounding a low ridge of hill, we entered
another plain, in which were two or three isolated
eminences, encircled from base to summit with
lines of walls and parapets. A few gaz-trees also
occurred, and we did not question but that they
marked sepulchral localities of the middle ages.

On reaching the cultivation dependent on Ha-
zar Noh (the thousand canals), I told my Momand
friends that they might return ; and they had

246 SALEH MAHOMED’S DESIGNS.

taken leave, when my mirza asked BahMar to
repeat in my hearing what he had before told
him concerning SMeh Mahomed. The tale of the
Momand ran, that the Ghilji had proposed to him
at Minchim before we started, and which explained
the confabulations in the masjit" there, to despoil
us on the road and to divide the booty. At Haidar
Khan he again urged the matter, saying that the
kas-kilrzm, which I carried on the pummel of
my saddle, was full of bhutkis, or ducats, and that
the larger kurzln, or saddle-bags, of my mirza
was full of Kashmir shawls. He proposed to take
the ducats, and the shawls were to fall to the share
of Bahddar. He next wished that I should have
been put out of the way in crossing on the float
at Abkhana ; and I called to mind Bahadur’s re-
marks to me there, that he was a “khush sarai,”
or worthless fellow. At Shelman he was" again
willing to have instigated the Momands to commit,
or connive at, robbery ; and I understood the pre-
cautions they at that place took to prevent it, and
the recommendation they urged on my people to
be vigilant during the night. The last effort he
made with Bahadar induced my stoppage on the
kotal leading upon Daka Khurd ; this having failed,
he said that I should not escape him if he followed
me to Surkh Diwar. It seems that the Momands
here, who had all along been communicating to
the mirza what passed, but who, in his wisdom,
did not inform me, observed, that as the Ghilji

UNPLEASANT POSITION.

247

was not “ dast ward4r,” or inclined to desist, and
as he had it in his power to cause me evil, they
would cut his throat and throw him into the river,
on the road to Duka Kel^n. Whether they would
have done so or not I cannot tell, hut there is
just a chance that^they would, and Bahadar assured
me that he fully intended it. The Ghilji, however,
wisely gave them the slip, and was not seen after
leaving Daka Khurd. He, of course, was off, to
beat up for more compliant associates.

I was angry with the mirza for having concealed
his information from me, as, while suspecting the
Ghilji fi'om the first, had I positively known his
designs tended to mischief, I would not have scru-
pled to have bound him hand and foot when in my
power. As it was, he was at large, and in a neigh-
bourhood where he could collect as many villains
as he.»ehose, while we, six or seven of us, were, ridi-
culously enough, unarmed, and floating about, as it
were, at his mercy. However, it became necessary
to do the best w^e could under circumstances, and I
trusted at Bassowal to be able to adopt some pre-
cautionary measures, as the place was this year held
by Saifulah Khdn, B&ak Zai, who was my friend,
and I hoped to find some of his people there, or
that the malek might be disposed to give us aid.
We, therefore, dismissing om’ Momands, passed on
to Hazarnoh, a large straggling village, seated on
gentle eminences, bounding to the south an ex-
tensive plain stretching to the river. In front, or

248

WILFORD’S NYSA.

west, the hill Koh, under which Bassowal is
situated, and which was now visible, separates it
from the plain of Chahard^h. At Hazarnoh the first
object that attracted our attention was Saleh Ma-
homed, seated, with a group of fifteen or twenty per-
sons about him. I pointed him ^ out to my mirza,
who, ashamed of the rebuke he had recently receiv-
ed from me, affected to doubt that it was he. From
Hazarnoh to Bassowal, a distance of about four
cosses, or six miles, the high road leads over, the
eminences fringing the plain ; a lower road leads
more direct over the cultivated lands, but is more
or less difficult to cattle, from the numerous cuts
or canals of water traversing it, supplied from in-
numerable springs, issuing from the bases of the
low hills at the line where they rest upon the level
valley of the river, and which enable the inhabit-
ants largely to cultivate rice. We preferred the
lower road in spite of its obstacles, but it was
not until after sunset that we reached Bassowal.
In the distance, in a lofty hill on the opposite bank
of the river, are seen the caves, with triangular-
shaped entrances, noted by Wilford, and which partly
induced him, probably, with the proximity of Mar
Koh, which he supposes to be Mount Meru, to lo-
cate the ancient city of Nysa in this neighbourhood.
On this point we may not decide; caves are too
numerously and too universally found, that any
important deduction could be drawn from so com-
paratively a trifling group as is here presented, and

BASSOWAL.

249

wliether Mar Koh may have any more serious ety-
mological signification than the snake-hill, as un-
derstood by the natives, is doubtful. Still, Basso-
wal exhibits ample vestiges, as does the entire
jieighbourhood, of its ancient inhabitants. The caves
in the hill on the opposite side of the river are
also interesting evidences, as are the mounds and
tumuli which accompany them at the point where
the hill subsides into the plain. The various in-
dications of old sepulchral localities are here very
numerous ; and the spot is called Chakanor.

On reaching Bassowal we halted in a grove
contiguous to one of the enclosed villages, where
we found a family, who, about to proceed to Kabal,
proposed- to start at midnight, and we arranged
to proceed in company. My servants went to the
bazar to cater for necessaries, and one of them
returned with the unsatisfactory intelligence that he
had seen S^leh Mahomed, with six other indivi-
duals, sitting at a Hindu dokan. They had taken
off their shirts, muffling up their faces with them,
and had talwdrs, or swords, in their hands. I ques-
tioned him as to the certainty of the person being
SMeh Mahomed, and was told there could be no
question, for he had addressed him on recogniz-
ing him, and had received an answer from him.
I then commissioned another servant to walk
quietly up the little hazir of the place, and with-
out appearing to have been sent for the purpose,
to see whether it was truly the Ghilji, and by

250 BEAPPEAKANCE OF GHILJL

wliat sort of people he was attended. This man,
•coming back, confirmed the other’s statement ; and
it was clear we had to provide against the despe-
rate scoundrel and his band of muffled villains.
I directed my mirza to go to the malek of the
place, and desire him to wait, upon me, but I
scarcely had given the direction when a large
armed party came from the gate of the village
close to us, who proved to be the Kohistams who
had preceded us from D^ka, and were about to
make a night-march towards Jelalabad. I asked
them where they were going, and on being inform-
ed, inquired if they would wait five minutes, or so
long as our cattle were laden. They replied, “Yes;”
and while the operation was in progress I was re-
cognized by three or four of them, who had seen me
in the Kohistan, and our understanding, therefore,
became complete. I told them, in a few wosds, my
position with the Ghilji, and they much wished to
have returned into the village, and to have secured
him and his gang. I was not consenting, as they
were Tajiks, and it was just possible that the peo-
ple of the village might make common cause with
the ruffians, as they were all Afghans. I was well
satisfied to be fairly out of the dilemma, and trust-
ed that the companions of Saleh Mahomed, on find-
ing themselves disappointed, would turn about and
beat him soundly for having deceived them, and
brought them, to no purpose, from their homes.
We marched from Basso wal, leaving the fellows

SURKH DIWAR.

251

and our apprehensions behind us. The Kohist^is
exceeded forty in number, and all carried muskets.
I asked them if they were loaded, and they smiled,
observing, that the lads of the Kohist^ neyer travel-
led with arms unloaded. We followed a road lead-
ing through marsl^^es to the northern extremity of
Mar Koh, which impinges on the river, but through
which is an open narrow valley, expanding upon
the plain of Chah^ Deh.

On the skirts of Mar Koh, overlooking Chahar

•

Deh is a tope, which I never had an opportunity
to examine. We crossed this plain diagonally,
clearing the southern end of the ridge, which de-
fines it to the west, and came upon the village
of Bati Kot, near which we halted and bivou-
acked upon the plain. Before daylight we resum-
ed our march, and crossed the extensive plain

intervening between the last village and Siirkh
Diwar. It was intersected by rivulets, flowing from
the Safed Koh on the south. At the commence-
ment of the ravines and broken ground of Surkh
Diwar our party congi’egated, and we marched
through them en masse. We were too strong to be
attacked by any but very numerous and bold gangs
of robbers, but the place has a very bad repute.
On an eminence to our left were the remains of
a large Chaghatai castle, erected, no doubt, for the
protection of the road, — ^they now serve to shelter
robbers, who make them their ordinary lurking-
place. We observed a solitary individual under

252

MIRZA AGA JAN.

the walls, which occasioned half our party to rush
up the hill, and we thoroughly scoured the ruins
and their environs, but met with no other person.
Clearing the ravines of Surkh Diwar, we gained
the village of All Baghan, or, as sometimes called,
Sama Khel. We did not halt h^ere, but continued
our course tpwards Jelalabad.

On reaching a ziarat, about two miles from the
town, the Kohistanis halted during the heat of the
day, and as I determined to push on, I made them
a present to enable them to regale themselves,
which delighted them, and they said they should
be happy to escort me to Kabal, affirming, in their
manner of expression, that they would carry me
through the hills on their shoulders. Passing
through the town of Jelalabad we arrived, about a
mile beyond it, at the castle of Mirza Aga Jan,
where we were kindly welcomed. In the ^even-
ing the mirza produced some tolerable wine, and,
after the long journey we had made, I did not ob-
ject to a piala, or cup of it. On hearing the tale of
our adventures, he said he did not at all like the
Ghilji, and I observed, neither did I, but I ex-*
pected to hear no more of him. He seemed te
fear that the fellow had been commissioned from
some high quarter. I thought not, for, in that
case, false badragas would have been imposed
upon us, and we should hardly have escaped. I
accounted for the affair in another way. I had
taken with me to Peshawer the relics I had ex-

GHILJI’S EVIL REPORT.

253

tracted from tlie Darunta topes, and they were in
the kas-ktirzln, which the Ghilji told the Mo-
mands was full of ducats, and which he had fixed
upon as his share of the plunder. At the desire
of Sultan Mahomed Khan, and Pir MAhomed
Khan, I had exhibited them, and around at the
time were standing some hundred or hundred and
fifty persons. I presumed that the Ghilji was one
of the crowd, and having seen what he consider-
ed treasure, coveted its possession, and determined
to'* obtain it by whatever means. I subsequently
ascertained that he was, as he represented, a man
of Maidan, and that he had been forced to fly on
account of his improper conduct. One of the
crimes imiDuted to him being the seduction of
the wife of his ostM, or teacher, amongst Afghans
a grave offence. I judged, from the stories told
of him, that he had been in the employ of the
sirdars of KS,ndahar as a robber and assassin ; the
chiefs of these countries retaining instruments to
execute their most desperate jiurposes. Some time
afterwards, at Kabal, he found me out, and was
willing to have been introduced to me, but I re-
fused to see him. In the course of 1835, five
nightly attempts were successively made to enter
my house by a band of mufiled villains^ and my
thoughts naturally enough recurred to my old
Ghilji friend; indeed, so long as I resided at
Kabal, from this time my house was occasionally
visited by night, and I was compelled to be pre-

254 RENEWAL OF RESEARCHES.

pared and vigilant.^ After remaining two or three
days at the castle of Mirza Aga Jan, I proceed-
ed to Darun^a, and resumed operations upon the
topes, and other sepulchral monuments in that
vicinity, and was for some time occupied in per-
fecting the examination of objects, which my jour-
ney to Peshawer had suspended. From Darunta I
repaired to Chahai’bagh of Jelalabdd, and instituted
a series of labours upon the topes which studded
the eminences confining the plain to the south.
These disposed of, I passed on to Hidda, for the
sake of verifying the analogous structures there,
having previously obtained the sanction of Mirza
Aga Jan, who held the place in jaghir. The mirza
sent his brother to secure us a due reception, and to
enjoin the malek and his people to afford us all the
assistance we might require. While engaged here
the hot winds were somewhat troublesome, but we
did not on their account suspend our labours.

255

CHAPTER XI.

Arrival of ex-sirdars of Peshawer. — Haji Khan’s project. — March
of Dost Mahomed Khan to Kandahar, — Feeling in the country.
-^Gulistan Khan’s rebellion. — His message to Amir Mahomed
|j[h4n.“— Faction of Nawab Jabar Khan. — His proposal to Dost
Mahomed Khan. — Letter to the Shah. — Imprudence of the Shah.

— Action near Kandahdr. — Flight of the Shah. — Fate of his
followers. — Errors of the expedition. — Intercepted correspon-
dence — Abdul Samad’s villainy. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s wish.

— State of affairs at Kabal. — Letter from Kamran. — Deport-
ment of Kandahdr sirdars. — Eeturn to Kabal, — Death of Amir
Mahomed Khan. — Shamsodm Khan. — Proceedings of ex-sirddrs
of Peshawfer. — Occupation of Jelalabad. — Disavowal of their
officers. — Meeting with Dost Mahomed Khdn.— Letter to Ean-
jit Sidgh. — Kdmran’s offers to Shah Sujah al Miilkh. — The
Shah’s distrust, — Flies to Lash — to Sistan — to Balochistdn. —
Pursuit of the Shah. — Generosity of Mehrab Khan. — The Shah
retires upon Zehri and Bagh. — Honesty of Samandar Khan. —
His death, — The Shah’s reception at Haidarabad. — His retui’n
to Ludidna. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s letter to Ludiana. — Eeply,
— Saiyad Keramat All’s officiousness. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s
promise, — The Saiyad’s dilemma. — His ingenuity.— His good
fortune.

I WAS yet occupied at Hidda when Stilts Ma-
homed Khan, having failed by submission and en-
treaty to induce the Sikhs to relinquish their recent
conquest, and being unable longer to subsist his
followers, abandoned the plain of Peshawer, and.

256

HAJI KHAN’S PROJECT.

vid Minchim and the pass of Karapa, entei-ed the
valley of Jelalabad. Simultaneously, his brother,
Pir Mahomed Khan, having journeyed from Eohdt,
crossed the Safid Koh range and descended upon
Kajar, whm-e Sultan Mahomed Kh^ marched and
joined him. With Pir Mahomed Khan was Naih
Haji Khin. I have before noticed the sird^’s boast
that he possessed three l^vhs of rupees, that he cared
not who knew it, and that, despite of his vaunts
to employ it against the Sikhs, he thought better to
preserve it. The treasure he had with him ; alud
when from Kohat he had entered Bangash, Haji
Khan wished to have persuaded him to take the
road of Khost, where, in concert with the turbulent
natives, he had hoped to have secured the prize.
Pir Mahomed Khan was saved by the Ghulam
Khana chiefs with him, who apprised him of the
naib’s designs, and led him by tlie direct road
through Bangash, the Turi inliabitants of which
are Shias, the reason ostensibly urged by Haji Khan
for wishing to conduct the sirdar amongst the Af-
ghans of Khost.

Dost Mahomed Khm had proceeded from K^bal
to Kandahar to assist in the repulse of Shdh Stijah
al Mulkh, who for some time had invested the
place, and had made an unsuccessful attempt to
carry it by assault. His brother, Amir Mahonied
Khan, was left in charge of Kabul. The march of
Dost Mahomed Khm was a hazai’dous step, but
one called for by the crisis. It was matter of no-

STATE OF AFFAIRS. •

257

toriety that the chiefs of his army were well dis-
posed towards the shah, with %hom they were in
correspondence. Indeed, the Ghulam Khana lead-
ers had resolved to return from Ghazni, to secure
the peirson of Amir Mahomed Khin, and to pro-
claim the shah. From this resolution, which, if
carried into effect, would then have sealed the
doom of Dost Mahomed Khan and the Barak Zais,
they were diverted by the timid counsels of one
of their number, Mahomed B%her Khan, who
suggested that it would be better that the Afghans
sliould set the example in defection. Of the feel-
ings of the inhabitants of the country at large
there was also little question, but their sympathy
in the shih’s cause was passively displayed in the
expression of good wishes, not in the energy of
action, which might have contributed to its suc-
cess. It is remarkable, that the only attempt to
create a movement in favour of the shah was made
by Gulistan Kh^n, the Haz4ra chief of Karabagh,
south of Ghazni, at the close of the autumn of the
past year ; and even he did not avow himself act-
ing in behalf of the shah, but made resistance to
oppression the plea for his rebellion. He boldly
engaged and defeated the Ghazni troops sent against
him, and had hoped to have set the precedent for
a general rising, but the apathy of the mass was
not disturbed, and no one appeared to side with
him. Amir Mahomed Khin, in charge of Ghazni,
conscious of the delicate state of the times, did

VOL. III.

258 MARCJI OF DOST MAHOMED KHAN.

not press matters with the refractory chief, and
even soothed him By concessions. Under pretence
of conferring a khelat upon him, he wished to have
allured him to an interview; hut, if purposing
treachery, Gulistan Khan was too experienced in
darb& stratagems to place himself in the power
of one to whom he had given so much cause for
jealousy. His reply was characteristic. He said,
that in conformity to the sirdar’s orders he had
mounted and taken the road to Ghazni, hut had
not travelled far when he met certain maleks (rer-
ferring to Afgh^ maleks put to death by Amir
Mahomed Khin) with their heads in their hands,
who inquired of him where he was going, and if
he wished to be treated as they had been. Know-
ing them to be Afghmis, he thought it possible
they were wilfully giving him evil-counsel, and he
proceeded, paying no attention to what they said.
He had not gone much farther when Mir Yez-
danbaksh met him, with his head also in his hands,
who exclaimed, “ Unhappy man, whither are you
going? Is not my fate a warning to you?” Now,
he said, he could not discredit one of his own
Hazmas, and returned. Amir Mahomed Khan,
however he relished this instructive communica-
tion, sent a khelat to Karab%h, nor insisted upon
the Hazara ‘chiefs attendance. Now that Dost Ma-
homed Khan had marched, a son of Gulistan Khan,
with a party of horse, accompanied the army. It
has before been noted, that the Nawab Jabar Khan

FEELING IN THE COUNTKt:.

-f/f

corresponded with the shah uijder the idea, which
beset him, that his expedition was set forth
the approbation, as it must have been with the
knowledge and indirect sanction, of the British- In-
dian government. He had formed a strong party
in Dost Mahom^ Khin’s camp, and the Nawabs
MSiomed Zemin Khan, Mihomed Osman Khan,
and others, had bound themselves to act in respect
to the shah precisely as he might direct. The shah,
I have been told, agreed that the Nawab Mahomed
^^man Khan was to receive Jelilabad, and the
Nawab Jabar Khan the government of the Ghiljis,
of which they had been deprived by Dost Ma-
homed Khan ; while Mahomed Osman Khan was
to retain the jaghir he held. The Nawib Jabar
Khan, first taking care of himself and his con-
federates, not desiring absolutely to ruin Dost
Mahomed Khin, aimed to procure some arrange-
ment in which his interests might be consult-
ed. It is impossible to conceive what plan he
had devised, but at Ghazni he much entreated
Dost Mahomed Khan to permit him to pi*oceed
in advance to Kandahai’, for the purpose of mak-
ing terms with Sh^h Sujah al Mulkh, never
doubting but that the shah would be victorious.
Dost Mahomed Khan replied, L41a (a term of
affection), there will be time enough for that when
we are defeated; and addressed a letter him-
self to the sh^h, ironically setting forth that his
brothers at Kandahar were uncouth men, and did

s 2

260 : POSITION OF THE SHAH.

not utiiJerstand the respect due to imperial dig-
nity;., that he, more enlightened on the subject, was
on the road, .and on reaching them would teach
his brothers, their duty, and escort him (the shah)
to Kabal, with all honour. The march from
Ghazni to Kandah& was rapid, g[,nd on his arrival
there he well knew that his only chance of safety
was to join battle iromediately, for had he delayed
but a few days he would have been abandoned by
his troops. The shah, hitherto, had been entrenched
in a position resting upon the city of Kandal^r,
destroyed by Nadir, and had he remained there
his enemies would have been destroyed, without an
effort on his part. His headstrong temper and self-
vpill proved his ruin, for, rejecting the counsels of
Samander Khan and his chiefs, on the arrival of
the Kabal army he abandoned his entrenchments

and moved to the northern extremity of the hill,
at whose base the old town of Hussen Khan stands,
and occupied, with his troops, the gardens which
abound at that point. He pretended that it was dis-
graceful to be pent up within lines of breastwork ;
but his object was clearly that of having, in case
of discomfiture, his rear open to flight, for it has
always been the bane of the shah to be deficient in
the actual crises of his battles, and to be more ex-
pert' in providing for his j)ersonal safety than for
victory.

Some of the Ghulam Khana chiefs actually went
by night to join the shdh, but finding his position

FLIGHT OP THE SHAH.

abandoned, and ignorant whe^e to
returned to the camp. The folly of the
done all that Dost Mahomed Khan jand his brothers
could have wished, they lost no tim^ in bringing
on an action, and the shah, seemingly with equal
alacrity, precipitated his troops into battle, while,
with the same breath that he urged them forward
he issued orders to arrange for flight. While the
troops were yet engaged the pusillanimous monarch
left the field, following his treasure, which had been
^nt off“ the preceding night.

Dost Mahomed Khan, aware of the temper of
his followers, while making the best arrangements
in his power, had great mistrust of the event, as
was manifested by the despatch of his equipage to
Kjlla Azem, a march in the rear. With about
two thousand men, on whom he could most cer-
tainly rely, he maintained himself aloof, as it were
watching the various fortunes of the field. On one
occasion he drew his sword, and directed a forward
movement, but after galloping some fifty yards
again reined up. It is difficult to comprehend the
nature of the action that took place. No two
accounts agree, the consequence of all acting inde-
pendently, and without concert or orders. A weak
battalion of the shah, commanded by an Anglo-In-
dian, Mr. Campbell, carried all before it, dispersing
in succession the battalion of Abdul Samad and the
cavalry of the Kandah& chiefs, and of Mahomed
Akbar Khan ; entangled at length between the

262

FATE OF HIS FOLLOWERS.

high banks of a flry -water-com’se, it was over-
whelmed, and Mr. Campbell, wounded, was made
prisoner. His treatment was most handsome, and
he was subsequently taken by Dost Mahomed
TCbau to Kabal. Of Samander Khan, the gene-
ralissimo of the shah’s army, nothing was heard.
This chief had the reputation of being a very gurg,
or wolf, in combat, and Dost Mahomed Kh^ en-
tertained of him so much dread that his counte-
nance or words betrayed it whenever his name
was mentioned. Some of his relatives, howevpr,
distinguished themselves, and fell on the field vic-
tims to their zeal. A variety of causes are as-
cribed as producing the disaster of the shah, but
all are reducible to his own incapacity and irresolu-
tion. Had he been endued with a little sense and
firmness, the treachery or cowm-dice ^of Jehandad
Khan, the inertness of Samander Khan, and the
want of regularity amongst his followers, might not
have been evinced. Indeed, the whole expedition
had been one of blunders, and its termination in
failure and disgrace was but the natural result of
its conception and prosecution in folly and error.
Dost Mahomed Khin’s sons fought, if to little pur-
pose, but the nawabs, the Ghulam Khana troops,
and others, stood immoveable in line, and did not
even return the fire which they received. Their
eyes wandered in vain over the field to discover
the shdh’s standard. It had never been raised.
The triumph of the Barak Zais was followed by

INTERCEPTED CORRESPONDENCE. 263

the usual scenes * of slaughter and plunder, and
the entire artillery, stores, and camp of the fugitive
shdh fell into their hands. His records and corre-
spondence became the prize of the K^dah^ bro-
thers, who transferred them to Dost Mahomed Khan.
He wisely took no*notice of the circumstance at the
time, although it is believed that he intended to
have swept out his own house, and to have wreaked
his vengeance upon the Ghuldm Khana leaders.
Amongst the documents found was a copy of the
treaty negotiated between the shdh and Ranjit
Singh, and a variety of letters bearing the seal of
Claude Martine Wade Sahib Bahadar, addressed
to various individuals, apprising them that any ser-
vice rendered to the shdh would be considered as
rendered to the British government. Mirza Sami
Khan more than once told me of this circumstance,
saying that one of the letters was addressed to
himself. He was accustomed to add, that the shah
had a knack of forging seals, and he might have
exercised his dexterity in this instance. What he
believed I cannot tell. Whether the letters were
spurious or otherwise, the shah had not employed
them.

Abdul Samad, who, with the Nawab Jabar Kban,
had corresponded with the shah through the me-
dium of the British agent, Saiyad Keramat Ali, —
who, again, considered he was advancing the views of
his government,— had, as soon as he reached KAnda-
har, sent one of his battalion men with a message

264 DOST MAHOMED ,KH4N’S WISH.

to the royal camp/' in wMcli ' lie was found on its
capture. Abdul Samad, to conceal his own guilt,
without allowfng time for explanation, blew the
unlucky mah from a gun. .

The Kindahar chiefs were anxious to have pur-
sued the flying monarch, but Doft Mahomed Khan
did not concur ; and those best acquainted with his
views and wishes insist that he had really no desire
to secure the person of the shMi, although a very
great one to possess himself of ShhhzMa Mahomqd
Akbar, the king’s son by his own sister, as he wo^fld
thereby have had, in any crisis of his affairs, a very
convenient instrument to have elevated to royal
dignity. As matters stood, however, he felt the
necessity of returning to Kabal, where his brother,
Amir Mahomed Kh^, was dangerously sick, while
the sirdars of Peshawer, encamped in 4he Jelalabad
valley, might profit by his absence. Besides, ^there
were symptoms of discontent in the Kohistan, ex-
cited by Ghfil^ Easul Khan of Perwin, who had
left the anny on its march from Ghazni to Kanda-
har, and judging that the supremacy of the Barak
Zais was drawing to a close, had returned to his
home, and, by collecting troops, sought at once to
promote the shah’s cause and to avenge his per-
sonal feuds and animosities. While Dost Mahomed
Khau was yet at Kandahar, he received a letter
from Shahzada Kamr^n of Herat, professing that
he was in nowise interested in the fate or fortunes
of Shah Sujah al Mulkh. No greater importance

DEATH OP' MAHOMED KHAN. 265

was attached to this.lelflei>|&lka was due to the fact
of the Shahzada having condescended 'to send it ;
as he was not in the habit of corresponding with
the Barak Zais, whom he affected to qpnsider as
rebellious slaves. At this time it was within the
power of the confederated chiefs to have annihi-
lated the Herat ruler, but their own miserable dis-
sensions effectually neutralised the ample means at
their command. Notwithstanding the K^dahar
chiefs owed their safety to Dost Mahomed Khdn,
th^^omitted on no occasion to treat him slightingly,
and to assert their superiority, while they were so
mistrustful of him as not to admit him within the
walls of the city. Carrying off fifteen of the guns
captured from the sh^, the Kabal chief set out
from Kfindahar, and on his road picked up an ad-
dition to the number of his wives, in the person of
a sister of the Thoki chief, with whom he formed
a political as well as matrimonial alliance. On
reaching Kabal he fpund his brother, Amir Maho-
med Khfin, living, indeed, hut speechless, and in
the arms of death. The last audible words uttered
by him were instructions to sell the old grain con-
tained in certain magazines, and to replace it with
new, exemplifying in his last moments the domi-
nant principle of thrift and gain, which had dis-
tinguished him through life. As with very many
provident fathers, he had a most improvident and
thoughtless son ; and the youthful Shamsodin Khan,
on proceeding to Ghazni to assume charge of the

266 PROCEEDINGS OE THE EX-SIRDARS.

property to wMclu^lie had become heir, remarked to
his attendants, “ What an excellent thing it is to
have no father !”

We haye noted the arrival of the fugitive chiefs
of Peshawer in the valley of Jelalabad. As soon as
they were aware that Dost Mahomed Khin had
passed Ghazni, imagining, like other people, that
his defeat was certain, and informed of the alarming
sickness of Amir Mahomed KhS,n at Khbal, they
began to avow their intentions of possessing them-
selves of the province, and their several dependent
officers were commissioned to occupy the various
towns and villages. Mirzas Imam Verdi and Agk
Jan, who administered the country on the part of
Amir Mahomed Khhn, retired to the castle of Azziz
Khffii, Ghilji, in Khach of Lughman, and it quietly
dropped into the hands of Sultdn ]\fahomed Khffii
and his adherents. Matters had been in this state
but a few days, when tidings of Dost Mahomed
Khffii’s victory arrived. Sultan Mahomed KhAn
recalled his officers, pretending they had acted
without his orders or sanction, and repeated salutes
of artillery testified to the joy he felt on the happy
occasion. He next proceeded to Kabal, which he
reached before Dost Mahomed Kh§.n, and advanced
to meet that chief to Killa Kazi. He was received
courteously, and was told, that, the shdh disposed of,
it remained to recover Peshawer from the Sikhs.
Haji Khan, whose fortune again brought him to con-
front Dost Mhhomed Khan, was assured that the past

i.;. ^

V j ; i ■ ' ’

THE SHAH AT FAERA. 257

was forgotten, the chief remarking, that if he had
abandoned him he had joined another of the family,
and had not connected himself with strangers. A
crusade against the Sikhs was immediately pro-
claimed, and letters were despatched to Eanjit
Singh, calling upon^him to give up Peshawer to
Sultan Mahomed Khan, from whom he had fur-
tively acquired it, while Dost Mahomed Khan was
engaged in the repulse of Shah Sujah al Mulkh,
as much the enemy of the Mah^aja as of the
B^r\^ Zais.

As we shall hereafter have no opportunity of
alluding to the vanquished Shah Sujah al Mdikh,
it may he explained here, that his flight from the
field of battle at Kdndahar was directed to Farra,
which fifr reached in safety. Shahzdda Kamran
on hearing of his arrival despatched handsome

w' .... %

presents, and a letter, stating that he was interested
in the shah’s favour, that his success would be
agreeable to him, and in accordance with his own
plans. He recommended another attempt to be
made upon Kdndahar, as Dost Mahomed Khan
could scarcely march a second time to its relief,
and proffered to send his son, ShahzMa Jehdnghir,
with four thousand horse, and guns, to assist.

Of the sincerity of Kamran those with the king
did not doubt, but he, always suspicious, fancied
that Prince Jehanghir would be instructed to
seize him, and this idea so completely possessed
his mind that he precipitately fled from Farra

268 PURSUIT OF THE SHAH.

to Msh, tlie fo: 5 ,tress and domain of Silu Klian.
This chief, in disgrace with ShahzMa Kamran,
accorded the rites of hospitality to the king his
guest, hut did not, perhaps could not, further
assist him. It is hard to determine whether the
shah was warranted in his apprehensions of Shah-
z4da Kamrdn. His seizure did not follow as a
consequence of the Sh4hzada’s offers of assistance,
hut was an event quite compatible with the spirit
of Afghan diplomacy. In truth, the proposal to
conquer Kandahar for him evinced more gen^sity
than the shah was conscious he deserved, and very
probably he imagined that he was about to he made
a tool of, and when the object was gained would
he discarded, or placed in durance. From L&sh,
he directed his steps across the desert of Sistm
towards Kalat of Balochistan ; and Raham Dil Khm*
of Kandahar, informed of his movements, made
an effort to intercept him. The shah had here
need of all his good fortune. Having gained the
territory of Kalat, he had encamped at the southern
extremity of the plain of Mangarchar, between
Mastung and the capital, when Raham Dil Khan,
with three hundred horse, reached its northern
extremity. Thence he sent out his spies to procure
precise intelligence of the shah, of whose proximity
he was ignorant. One of them, who ascertained
'the shah’s position, sympathized with royalty in
misfortune, and informed him of his danger.. Not
a moment was lost ; and the king, with a few at-

GENEROSITY OF MEHRAB KHAN. 269

tendants, galloped off towards Gar^im, a little village
about six miles from Kalit. The spy, on his return
to Rahim Dil Khin, told him that the shah had
taien the Bolan route, which induced , the chief
to follow smartly in that direction, but finding on
his road that he was,in error he returned and made
his way to Garini. The shah had previously
arrived at Kalit, where Mehrab Elan, the Brahii
ruler, was encamped in a garden. The monarch,
‘without ceremony, walked directly into his tent,
anJk^laimed his protection. It was instantly ac-
corded. Daoud Mahomed, the Ghilji adviser of the
Khan, in vain entreated his master to deliver up
the defeated prince, who was fortified in his resolu-
tion J^y his wife, Bibi Ghinjan. Mehrab Khan
intimafed to Rah&u Dil Khan at Gar^ni that it
was Unbecoming in him to pursue an unfortunate
Sadfi .2ai king with so much rancour, and, inform-
' ing him that he had determined to protect him,
iscbmmended that he should retire. The khan
subsequently sent the shah to Zehri, that he might
repose a while after his fatigues and adventures;
after which he went to Bagh in Kachl

Here he found Samander Khan, who creditably
enough delivered to him a sum of money, left in his
castle at Quetta, when the advance was made on
Kandahar, and counselled a fresh effort for the
conquest of that place. The shah approved the
plan, and commenced the levy of troops, when
Samander Klili fell suddenly sick, and died. The

270

SHAH’S RETURN TO LUDIANA.

shah next proceeded to Haidarabad in Sind, where
Mir Sohabdar, one of the mirs, thought fit to in-
fringe the etiquette the monarch in misfortune even
insisted upon, and strove rudely with his follow-
ers to enter the royal tent. The shah gave the
order “Bizan,” or slay, and t;svo or three of the
mir’s adherents paid the forfeit of their chiefs
indiscretion. The other mirs were at hand to mo-
derate the king’s ire, and to excuse the conduct
of their boisterous relative, however it may have
been evinced with their contrivance and knowledge.
The shah finally finding he could do no better,
returned to Lfidiana, from whence he had stf^ted, '
bringing with him, as is asserted, more money ‘tfian ,
he had taken away. V

Dost Mahomed Khdn when at Jelalabad, . and
previous to his march to KiLndahar, had written •
to the political agent at Lddiana, desiring t© be
informed if Shah Sujah al Mtilkh marched with the •
• support of the British Government, observing, that
if he proceeded with a few followers without such
support, it were an easy matter to dispose of him,
but if with it, the case became different, and he
could not hope to oppose him and the British
Government combined. The political agent re-
< plied, that the Government had nothing whatever
-■ " to do with the shah’s movements, but that they

, were his well-wishers.

; • , ■ / It has been noticed that Saiyad Keramat All,

adopting the general impression, had committed

THE SAIYAD’S DILEMMA.

271

himself by becoming the mediuiji of correspondence
between the Nawdb Jabar Khan, Abdul Samad,
and others at Kabal, with the shdh. His conduct
was not likely to be concealed from Dost Mahomed
Khan; and as the saiyad’s licentious opinions on
religion had rendered him obnoxious to many
people, they urged^*upon Dost Mahomed Khan
the propriety of seizing him, and expelling him
the country. One of his bitterest opponents,
Akkdnd Mahomed, obtained from Dost Mahomed
Khitn.the promise to do so should he succeed in
defeafcfng Shdh Sujah al Mulkh; and at Kandahar,
when the saiyad’s letters, with the others, turned
. up in the shah’s camp, the fulfilment of the pro-

• mise wa's claimed, and in the temper the sirdar
’ was in he was readily induced to send orders to

■ Aiiiir - Mahomed Khan to place the saiyad under
. aiTeA....T^e Nfiwab Jabar Khdn, apprised of the
ciipunsfanee, also despatched a letter to Amir
Mahomed Khan, conjuring him, if he esteemed him
a brother, to respect the saiyad’s liberty, and
another to his favourite wife, directing her on no
account to allow the saiyad to be taken from her
house, while he urged all his influence with Dost
Mdhomed Khan to have the order rescinded. The
saiyad, in this dilemma, shrewdly enough gave out
that he was ordered to return to India, which, if

• he did not reach by a certain date his pay was to
be stopped ; and further, that his wife was waiting
for him at Raoal Pindi. The sudden sickness of

272 THE saiyad’s ingenuity.

Amir Mdliomed KMn may have saved the saiyad ;
and the nawib was enabled to represent to Dost
Mahomed Khan' that it was needless to expel a
man who was himself going, and whose wife was
waiting for him at Raoal Pindi.

CHAPTER XII.

Start on a tour to Khonar.— Bisut. — Tokchi. — Topes. — Pulwiri.- —
Bazdrak. — Khonah Deh. — Malek Shafi. — Kohist^nis. —
Khiishal Khan. — Tope of Khonah Deh. — Killa Padshah. — Fatl
Mahomed Khan. — IslamabM. — Saiyad Hissam and his ladies.
— Mistaken for Bdzi-ghars. — Remains at Isldmahad. — Route to
. f^hitrM. — Dara Nur. — Barkot and Daminj. — Mahomed Zeman
Kh.|n*s failure. — KAzi Khel family. — Feud. — Bilangar. — Bisut.
—Return to Tatang. — Trip to Lughman. — Killa Kafr. — Cha-
harbagh. — Kergah. — Mandarawar. — Tirgari. — Rivers of
Alishang and Alingar. — Mumjiima. — Namzat Bazi. — Fatal
accident. — Ziirat Metar Lam S^hib. — Tomb. — Wilford’s re-
veries. — Native traditions. — Sultan Mdhmdd’s dream. — Dis-
covery of Lamech’s grave. — Ancient vestiges Koh Karinj

Alishang. — Nadjfl. — Malek Osman. — SMeh Rdna Kot. — ^
Rubies. — Alingar. — -Dara Niazi. — Revenue of Lughmdn. —
Extent of cultivation. — Crops. — Eels. — Fire-flies. — Inhabitants.
— Skilful agriculturists. — Amusing story. — Mahomed Akbar
Khan's disaster. — Tope of Murkhi Khel. — Conjectures. — Nokar
Khel. — Murkhi Khel. — Jajis. — Nasrulah. — Tumulus of Nokar
Kh61. — Departure for Kabal — Terikki. — Arrival at Kabal.

The unsettled state of the country was unfavour-
able to the continuance of my researches, and I
left Hidda, where I might otherwise have longer
stayed, for Tatang. After resting a day or two,
I repaired to my old haunts of Darunta, and
directed the examination of a number of tumuli,
which abound there, some apparently connected
with the topes, but many of them, it was fair to

VOL. m. T

274

TOUR TO KHONAR.

infer, independent structures. I was occupied some
time with them, when, taking my workmen, with
their implements, we started on a tour into Khonar,
as well to discover if there were any monuments
there as to see that part of the country. We left ,
the castle of N£b Yai- Mahomed, my headquarters
at Darunta, myself, as well as my companions, on
foot, and tracing the bank of the river, crossed
it at the ferry of Behar Robat, where I saw the
process of washing for gold. The road for about
a mile led from the ferry across a small marsh
choked with reeds, filling the space between the
river and a low hill to the north of it ; when we
crossed a spur from the hill stretching towards
the stream, on which is a white tomb, called the
Kabar Lull, and entered the plain of Bisut. A
mile brought us to the village of Kerimabad; a
little beyond which are the two castles nf Be-
nares Khdn. We followed the high road skirting
the cultivated lands, having between us and the
hills a greater or less extent of barren surface.
Traversing the entire extent of the valley from
west to east, we reached at night a small Afghan
fortlet, called Killa Shahgalli, north of the village
of Bilangar. In the morning we moved on to
Tokchi, and came upon the Kameh, or river of
Khonar, the hills on either side of it approaching.
In what is called the tanghi of Tokchi are three
castles, one of them a superior one, named Bimg4h,
built by Abdul Ganni Rhdn, one of the Barak

ABDUL KHEL— PULWARI. 275

Zai family. It has a large extent of good land
adjacent, and on the hill opposite to it on the
west are the remains of a minute t©pe; curiosity
had led, very possibly, Abdul Ganm Kh,an himself
to examine the structure ; and whatever else he
may have found, a huge block of stone, lying
amongst the rubbish, plainly informed us that it
had once been more honourably situated within
the monument. Beyond the castles we walked
fo:^ a considerable distance through marshes and
fla#s, until we reached a zi&at at the corner of

^ '4

a low detached hill, a few yards to the east of
us being the small village of Abdul Khel. Here
also we found a tope, of more considerable dimen-
sions, but of ruder construction, which, with re-
ference to the structures on the plain of Jelalabdd,
would rank in the third, or inferior class. It had
no signs of embellishment, and not a trace of the
coating of cement with which, we may conjecture,
it was once covered, was visible. It had been
perforated at some former period on all sides, and
although it was impossible to decide whether the
relics had been discovered, there was little en-
couragement to employ our labour in search of
them. In age the monument appeared to agree
with those of Hidda. About a mile beyond the
ziarat we reached the castles of Pulwari, having
passed to our right, on and about an eminence
near the river, a very considerable ancient place
of sepulture, evidenced by the usual tokens of

T 2

276 TOPE OF KHONAH DEH.

•walls, mounds, &e. I have been told that there
is an inscription here, but could never find any
one able to point it out. From Pulwari we went
on to Sh%hi, an enclosed village, of about three
hundred houses, where we halted for the day, in
a grove of plane-trees adjacent. The following
morning our route led us to Bazarak, also a ‘ Wall-
ed-in village of three hundred houses. Resting
awhile there, we were visited by Padshah Gul, the
hereditary malek, who sent an offering of pome-
granates. From hence we passed on to Khofiah
Deh, a small enclosed village of sixty houses, seated
on an eminence ; behind which was a small, but
very perfect tope, in style of architecture greatly
resembling the tope Nandara of Darunta, and I
should judge, of the same age. The basement and
cylindrical superstructure were very entire. This
monument I should have been pleased to have
opened, but as soon as I learned that the village
belonged to Malek Shafi Khan I suspected there
would be difiiculty. This man had long been the
petty tyrant of this part of the country, and was
connected Avith the inhabitants of Dara Nur,
amongst whom, when pressed by the authorities,
he took refuge, and who, if required, furnished
him with their bands. By their instrumentality
he had become paramount over his immediate
neighbours, and during the feeble sway of Ma-
homed Zeman Khan, whom he little feared, had
made himself of some notoriety, Amir Mahomed

277

CONDITIONS OF OPENING TOPE.

Khan’s first care on receiving charge of the Jela-
labad province, was to reduce to a due sense of
their dependent situation the several maleks, who
had too much presumed on the weakness of his
predecessor. Malek Shafi Khan early received
his attention, and,, agreeably to the plan of at-
tempering severity with kindness, was fined five
thousand rupees, and then made to give his daugh-
ter to a son of the chief. I found the malek was
close at hand, in the neighbouring village of Kal-
latak, which he holds in jaghir, and therefore paid
him my respects. He received me as I anticipated,
very coolly, and on starting the question as to
whether he had any objection to my employing
workmen on the tope, without absolutely replying
that he had, his language was by no means en-
couraging. He was surrounded by his armed at-
tendants, men of the Dara Kur, or KoMstanis,
as here called, and they conversed with him in
their own peculiar dialect, which, however, is so
mixed up with Hindi, that I, and others of my
people, comprehended the drift of their discourse.
We understood that we might open the tope, but
should not be permitted to carry olF what we found
in it. I therefore wished the malek good-b’ye for
the present, telling him I should call upon him
again, when Dost Mahomed Khan came with his
troops to J elalabM, although I doubted whether
I should have the pleasure of seeing him, as he
then would be, probably, off to the Dara Nfir.

1. , f

278 CASTLE OF FATI MAHOMED KHAN.

Khushal Klian, J^bar Khel, of Kirgah in Lugh-
man, one of his friends, and his surety with the
Sirdar Amir ^Mahomed Khan, was on a visit to
him, and present at our interview. Being also
an acquaintance of mine, he strove to induce the
malek to be civil and compliant, but to no pur-
pose, and following me after I arose, told me that
he was involved in Malek Shaft’s faction, but must
confess he was a desperate man, and- not to be
trusted. ^

, The malek, about forty years of age, had a fine
commanding presence ; but his countenance, while
expressive of ability, alike betrayed his little scru-
pulous and reckless disposition. My experience
with topes induced me to conjecture that this one
of Khonah D^h had been erected over a relic of
some saint, and that we should not have found
any coins in it. In the hills behind itr, are a
number of caves, proving the spot to have been
a vlhfra, or monastery, as there are more than
would have been necessary in simple connexion
with the monument. We now passed the village
of Kallatak, containing, within walls, about five
hundred houses, and proceeded to Sheva, another
village, of three hundred houses, where we halted
for the day. The river was now a little distance to
the south. From Sheva we passed in the morning
to Lamatak, a village of sixty houses, and thence
to Killa Padshah, the deserted seignorial castle of
Fati Mahomed Khdn, Popal Zai. This noble-

ISLAMABAD.

279

man was one of the sirdars and fHends of Mahomed
Azem Khin in Kashmir, and had received substan-
tial proofs of his patron’s favour. ELe was reputed,
and perhaps with justice, wealthy, and on that
account, as well as others, did not venture to
place himself in ,the power of Dost Mdhomed
Khdn. So long as Mahomed Zemdn Khin re-
tained authority at Jelalabad he attached himself
to his interests, and enjoyed in return a consi-
derable revenue fi’om Khonar. He erected the
kiila, or castle, which we now saw in decay, and
planted orchards and gardens, making the retreat
a very agreeable and commodious one. He con-
trived to extricate himself from Jelalabad a day
or two before its capture, and escaped to Peshawer,
but Dost Mahomed Khdn seized and confiscated
his property in Khonar. The Nawab Jabar Khan
was nsuch displeased, one of his wives, and the
most powerfnl of them, being a daughter of Fati
Mahomed Khfin ; and thought that, for his sake,
the castle and property might have been spared.
Dost Mahomed Khan, on his part, was glad that
the opportunity occun-ed to annoy the feelings of
his relative.

From Kiila Padshah we moved on to Islam-
abad, a small walled-in village, where resides Saiyad
Hissam, of the family of the saiyads of Khonar.
As we were following the path people came from
the village, shouting to us to retire, and driving
away the weavers, plying their looms under the

280

SAIYAD HISSAM AND HIS LADIES.

shade of the trees. The saiyad and his ladies, it
seemed, were about to walk to a garden and sum-
mer-house by the river-side, and, of course, no
profane eyes were permitted even to look upon
such sacred and reserved objects. We took the
liberty to advance in place of, retiring, and when
we were at a due distance a report was made,
and out stalked Saiyad Hissam, a corpulent, un-
wieldy personage, attended by a flock of chad-
dered females. When they had nearly reached
the garden we returned towards the village ; and
the saiyad, looking back, observed my companions,
with their implements shouldered, and it occurring
to him that they were b&i-ghars, or merry-an-
drews with their poles, he bellowed with a voice
like thunder for them to come down and divert
his ladies ; but some one, probably, informing him
of his mistake, he again roared out, and motioned
with his hand for them to be off.

We here inqumed as to the road in advance,
and found it not advisable to proceed farther, as,
though we were many, we were unarmed. We
had already witnessed at Killa Padshah that the
men . of the Dara Nur came into the little hamlet
there, and violently helped themselves to any trifling
thing they coveted, and we very nearly had a
scuffle with them.

The valley hence becomes contracted, and we
could see up it for about three miles, to a place
called Kundi, when it turns to the north. Im-

RETURN TO KILLA PADSHAH. 281

mediately behind Islampur is a,hill, covered with
the remains of walls and parapets, indicating a
place of ancient sepulture. On on^ of the emi-
nences are the remains of a very small tope, so
dilapidated to the south that the interior of the
building is expose^, and shows that a perpendi-
cular shaft extended from top to bottom. At
Kundi, I was informed, were similar vestiges, but
to a greater extent. At this place the valley of
KJionar may correctly be said to commence, as
beyond it are the petty towns and villages held
by the various members of the saiyad family, for
many generations established in it, as Khonar,
Peshat, Ac.

It would be an interesting journey to follow
the course of the river from this point to Chi-
tr41 ; and, while collecting all the information I
could Tespecting it, I did not question but that,
with due precaution, the route was a practicable
one.

From Islamabad we returned to Killa Padshah,
and remained there during the heat of the day.
This castle is placed at the entrance of a valley
leading up the hills to the north, in w'hich are
the castles of Budiali, Suruch, Amlah, &c., and
which breaks off into the valley of Dara Nur
on the east, and into the valleys of Barkot and
Daminj on the west. At its upper extremity is
a castle, called Killa Padshah, alike built by Fati
M^omed Khan, possibly for the coercion of, or

282

DARA NUR.

as a check upon, ^the neighbouring tribes. It was
regarded by them with great jealousy, and at the
time of his disasters was taken possession of. It
is now held by Maleks Khoda Nazar and Mastapha.

Dara Nur is inhabited by people calling them-
selves Safis, but speaking their own peculiar dia-
lect, and not understanding the Pasbto language.
They are a straightforward, manly race, with florid
complexions, light eyes, and hair. They have many
peculiar customs, and retain many vestiges of an-
cient arts ; for instance, they have bee-hives, un-
known to the inhabitants of the plains. I'heir
valley is most celebrated amongst their neighbours
as being the native soil of the nerkhis (narcissus),
posies of which brought therefrom I have seen.
It is aifirmed that there is a variety of the flower
with black petals. The hills of the inhabitants
yielding grapes, quantities of wine and vinegar are
made by them; the few samples of the former I
have met with were sour and unpalatable, and did
not cause me to admire the beverage of the Safis.
The valleys of Bai-kot and Daminj, to the west
of Dara Nur, are alike inhabited by Safis, inde-
pendent and lawless, but engaged in enmity with
their neighbours of the contiguous dara. Barkot
is said to include about one hundred and fifty
families, and Daminj the same number, or a few
more. . The people of the two daras, unable to
contend with their more numerous enemies, are
strictly leagued with the inhabitants of Kashmun,

CASTLES OF THE KAZI KHEL. 283

a village higii up in the hills still farther to the
west.

Mahomed Zeman Khan, during his exercise of
power, marched with a force to compel the in-
habitants of Barkot to become raiyats, and to pay
tribute. They flooded the approaches to their val-
ley, and the sird& retired disgracefully, after
losing many of his men. He consoled himself
by the boast that he had been where NMir had

never been.

■■ %

Towards the afternoon we retraced our stej)s
to Damatak and Sheva, the road pleasantly lead-
ing along a canal fringed with trees, on which
vines were spreading in festoons above. From
Sheva, instead of again visiting Kalatak, we skirted
the river-bank, and passing three castles, called col-
lectively Killa Noh Jui, the property of Malek
Shafi |Chan, Ve came to a seignorial castle, be-
longing to Sadadin, father of Mir Saifadin Kh^,
the khan mdlla of Kabal. Hence we passed on
to Sheghi, where we fixed ourselves for the night;
In this neighbourhood are the family castles of
the Kazi Khel family of Kabal, from whom the
k&i and . kh^n mulla, with others of the hier-
archy, are provided. Their ancestor, Faizulah, kazl
to Taimur Sh4h, was a person of great influence;
he was succeeded in ofl5ce by his son Sadadin,
now living retired in this neighbourhood, one of
whose sons is the actual khan mulla. Murder
has been committed in this- family^ one of them.

284

return to tatang.

Saiyad Habib, having been slain by bis brother;
consequently there is a serious feud in it ; and
it is probable that in a few years the ruin of
the whole will follow in the train of the fratri-
cide.

From Sheghi, on the succeeding day, we re-
tm-ned by the road we had come to Killa Shah-
galli, and thence moved on to Bilangar, a village
of two hundred houses, where we halted. The
next day, having previously skirted the plain of
Bisut to the north, we took a central road through
the villages and cultivated lands. This led lis by
the castles of Manohar Khan and Abdul Gafur
Kb an to Bisut, the ancient village, giving name
to the plain. It was small, enclosed within walls,
and contained a slight bazar. The neighbourhood
was cheerful, from its pastures and clusters of date-
trees. Thence, at a short distance, we passed' the
smaller village of Abdin, and afterwards the two
castles of Benares Khhn, from which we made
the village of Kerimabad. From that place we
gained Kabar Lull, and thence passed on to Killa
Behar Robat, where we halted for the night. The
following morning we crossed the river, and re-
joined our head-quarters at Killa Nmb Yar Ma-
homed. I was sufficiently pleased with this pe-
destrian excursion to meditate another to Lugh-
man ; and, allowing my companions a day or two
to repose themselves, I went on to Tatang, to look
after my horses, and to ascertain if aught worthy

SINGULAR SPOT.

285

of my attention had occurred^ during my ab-^
sence.

Returning to Darunta, I started with my com-
panions to Ltighman.

From the naib’s castle, a course of hearly two
miles brought us to the termination of the Siah
Koh range, througii a fissure in the extremity of
which the river of Kabal escapes from the valley
of Lughman into that of Jelalabad. This spot
always appeared to me as singular as it is pictu-
resque. On the rocks on either side there are
watdr-marks, considerably, perhaps sixty to eighty
feet, above the highest level the river now attains.
On the summit of the eminence on the opposite
bank are the remains of ancient walls and parapets,
called Killa Kafr, but pointing out an ancient
burial-place. This eminence in composition is the
same ■^ith the Siah Koh, of which .it is obviously
the termination, and sinks beneath a low series
of sandstone and conglomerate elevations, which
stretch north of the river the whole extent of the
plain of Jelalabad, resting upon Koh Kergah, and
filling up the space between the valleys of Lughman
and Khonar, as Koh Kergah defines their northern
limits, so far as it stretches. Having crossed the
ferry, the road winds over the point where the con-
glomerate rest upon the eminence ; and thence we
commanded a fair view of the portion of Lughman
before us, of the villages of Chaharbagh and Kergah,
of the river of Kabal, and the district of Khach.

’ * f

*. *

286 MANDARAWAR.

Skirting the conglomerate elevations the greater
part of the way, we at length reached Chahmbagh,
where we were entertained by the Hindu DiwAn
Jowahir. In the neighbourhood of this village are
a vast number of mounds, and beneath the hills
behind it to the north we found a small but com-
pact tumulus, arranged in the manner of those of
Darunta. Chah&bdgh is the capital of a district,
and yields with it a revenue of twenty thousand
rupees. It may contain five hundred houses, has
a moderately-supplied bazar, and a manufactory of
swords, gun-barrels, and cutlery. The next "day,
passing the castles of Khfishal Khan, Jabar Khel,
we made Kergah, a small village romantically seat-
ed on a rocky eminence at the western extremity
of the line of hill generally designated by its name.
Immediately west of it, the united rivers of Lugh-
man fall into that of Kabal. We crossed theJbrmer
stream, and went on to Mandaraw^, where we
proposed to halt, but the person we intended to
honour with our company was absent. This is a
considerable walled-in village, with bazar, and oc-
cupies a square of about three hundred and twenty
yards. Our course from Killa Kafr to Mandarawar
had been from east to west ; we now turned towards
the north, and the road tracing the line of emi-
nences confining the cultivated lands, we left be-
hind us in succession the villages of Haidar Khan
and Kala Kot, and in the evening reached the
walled-in town of Tirgari ; to gain which we had to

287

|, FASHION OF WOOING.

re-cross the stream. At Tirgari unite the rivers of
^ Alishang and Alingdr, the latter hearing the name

of Kow, and its source is supposed to he very re-
mote, that of the river of Alishang being nearer.

• The valley of Alingar, wide and spacious, tends

eastward from Tirgari, as that of Alishang inclines
westward. In Aling& is the castle of Mumjuma,
belonging to Mahomed Shah Khan, Ghilji, who has
also other castles there, as well as in T^zin. In one
. of his Lughman castles, called Badiabad, it would
appear, the captive ladies and officers in the power
I of Mahomed Akbar Khan, were secured, previous

V to their transfer to one of his Tezin castles, where

I late accounts describe them to have been carried.

I Mahomed ShAh Khan is connected by alliances both

with Mahomed Akbar Khan and the Nawab Jabar
Kh4n. The former espoused one of his daughters,
and th^ latter^ when governor of the Ghiljis, was
affianced to his sister, represented to be a handsome
> and intelligent woman.

Many of the Afghan tribes have a custom in
wooing, similar to what in Wales is known as bund-
ling-up, and which they term namzat hhi. The
lover presents himself at the house of his betrothed
with a suitable gift, and in return is allowed to pass
the night with her, on the understanding that in-
nocent endearments are not to be exceeded. The
bands of the maiden’s peijmnas are very tightly
; secured, and she is enjoined on no account to suffer

I them to be unloosed. The precaution is not always

288 JABAR KHAN’S NAMZAT BAZI VISIT.

effective, and whether from being inconveniently
tight or from other causes, the bands are a little
relaxed ; and, from natural consequences, it is ne-
cessary to precipitate the union of the parties, and
not unfrequently the bridegroom when he receives
his bride carries home with her his first-born in
a bakkowal, or cradle.

The Nawab Jabar Kh^ went on a namzat bazi
visit to the sister of Mahomed Shah Khan, and
wishing to profit by the opportunity more than the
lady’s modesty permitted, received a severe chastise-
ment from her slippers, which so disheartened him
that, though often threatening to fetch her to his
house, he has never summoned resolution to do so,
and when I left the country she was yet pining
away in celibacy and solitude at Mumjuma.

We found an Afghan friend at Alishang, and
accompanied him to his village of'Pashai^ about
three quarters of a mile beyond it. The following
morning we repaired on a visit to the zi&at, or
shrine of Metar Lam Sahib, about two miles distant
from our village. In our transit we had to cross
the river of Alishang, which, like its neighbour of
Alingfo, while not deep, unless at particular seasons,
has a rapid current, and its bed so full of loose
boulders that it is always dangerous to cross. No
year elapses that many casualties are not occasioned
by these rivers, and while we were here, and within
our observation, a fatal accident happened. A man
crossing on horseback was drowned, the animal

CELEBRATED ZIARAT. 289

having lost his footing and fallen. I was surprised,
for there was not so much as a foot and a half
of water, but I was given to understand that a man
who falls is lost. Having gained the eminences
edging the cultivated lands, their summits covered
with ancient sepulchral vestiges, we soon reached,
in a hollow, the celebrated ziaxai. I inspected it.

ZIARAT MEIAB LAM.

and my companions strove to propitiate the favour
of the holy personage supposed to be interred here.
There is no very pompous or extensive establish-
ment, yet the place is kept clean, and in a certain
degree of order. It is regularly visited every Juma
by the people of the neighbourhood, and in the

VOL. HI. ri

290

WILFORD’S REVERIES.

spring inelas, or fairs, are held here. It is consi-
dered that the fertility of the cultivated lands is due
to the possession of the grave of so distinguished
a patriarch, and whoever is buried within the pre-
cincts of the holy place is deemed secure of para-
dise ; hence many noble families choose to send then-
dead here, as did Fati Mahomed Khan of Khonar,
and the Sirdar Saiyad Mahomed Khan of Hasht-
nag&, besides many, others; and the contributions
of such people, no doubt, mainly support the humble
establishment. The tomb, one of those of extra-
ordinary dimensions, which has been assigned to
the father of Noah, is but half of the length of that
ascribed, with equal propriety, to the patriarch Lot,
being sixteen yai-ds only in length from north to
south, while its breadth is about two yards and a
half. In height it stands about five feet ; and
covered over with cement, is painted throughout
in imitation of brick-work. Palls of cloth and silk
are duly spread over it. Wilford had learned in
some manner that the grave was provided with a
small door beneath, conducting into a vault where
the corpse of the patriarch, in excellent preserva-
tion, was to be seen in a sitting posture, now the
favourite one of the natives of India. Whether
he believed such to be the case, or wished others
to believe so, I cannot tell, yet the gravity with
which he repeats the tale is wonderful. I need
scarcely add, that there is no such door beneath
the grave, nor any such vault, and those who would

NATIVE TRADITIONS.

291

wish to see the good old patriarch Lamech, sitting
cross-legged, would be disappointed if they came
to Lughman in search of him. The traditions now
current in the country vary in somb measure from
those related to Wilford, as indeed they differ in
themselves. Some consider Metar Lam to have
been the brother of Nohlakhi Sahib, another cele-
brated saint, or deified hero, who with nine lakhs, or
nine hundred thousand men, waged war against the
infidels. The former died here, and the latter in
the Khfr country, where his ziarat is held in high
veneration, although, of course, inaccessible to Ma-
homedans.

It is universally believed that the Kafrs, stealth-
ily and by night, visit the zidrat of Metar Lam
Sahib. Another story relates, that when Sultan
Mahmud first entered Ltighmfin, Metar Lam ap-
peared to him in a dream, and informed him that
his remains were interred in the country, and no
honour was paid to the spot, from its being un-
known. The apparition, farther, good-naturedly in-
structed him as to the manner in which the locality
was to be detected. In pursuance of the lessons
he had received, the sultan mounted a camel, al-
lowing the animal to go whithersoever he pleased,
and he was finally brought to the spot where the
ziarat now is. The sultdn, alighting, thnxst his
lance into the ground, whence blood instantly is-
sued. The miracle con\dnced the prince of the
verity of the dream, and of the facts disclosed by

u 2

’ I I

292 ANCIENT VESTIGES.

it, and the sacred place became, in consequence, the
object of his care arid munificence. V ery many of the
shrines in Lughman are of the connexions of Metar
Lam; and his grave being once found it became
easy to disefover the graves of his relatives. They
are all of extraordinary dimensions. On our return
to Pashai we examined the several ziarats at the
villages in our road, and found fragments of sculp-
tured white marble in more than one of them.
There was, no doubt, at all times a town of more
or less importance at this point, and the old burial-
places were those vestiges we observed on the emi-
nences contiguous. Many relics, as coins, &c., are
occasionally found ; but they create no wonder, for
in what part of the country are they not found in
similar situations ? Our next excursion from Pashai
was to Alishang, and to the castle of Alladad TChan,
somewhat beyond it. We carefully investigated
the valley, now diminishing in compass as it neared
the hills, on either side, that no tope or important
structure might escape our scrutiny, and we found
none, although numerous caves and tumuli every-
where are common. None of the caves, however,
occur in number or groups, so that we might infer
they related to a place of former consequence ; the
conti’ary deduction might be authorized.

The northern limit of the valley is prominently
marked by the high mountain Koh Karinj, ex-
tending from east to west along its entire length,
and round whose respective extremities the rivers

ALISHANG.

293

of'Alishang and Alingar wind. This mountain,
while snow sometimes partially covers its summits,
is without the limit of perpetual congelation, and
is distinguished hy its vegetable, as well as animal
productions. The vine flourishes on it, and monkeys
rove over its sides. I have constantly heard of an
inscription, said to exist at some part of the hill, but
could never find any one who could point it out.

On the northern side of Koh Karinj commence
the seats of the Siaposh Kafrs, who are accustom-
ed to roam over the hill; therefore when parties
visit“it, as they sometimes do, on excursions of
hunting or pleasure, it is necessary that they go
in number, and prepared for the chances of a
hostile encounter. AMshang is a small walled-in
town, of about four hundred houses, but has nothing
remarkable in its appearance, or any tokens to
denote.it an ancient site of consequence. The con-
tracted valley, indeed, on either side, has abundance
of mounds, and in the sides of the encircling emi-
nences are caves, but, as we have so frequently
observed, such vestiges are too common to demand
especial notice, unless they have in themselves
something peculiar or extraordinary. The emperor
Baber mentions the place under the same denomi-
nation it bears at present ; and he judged it neces-
sary to put the refi’actory malek to death. The
actual inhabitants are reputed for their quarrel-
some propensities, and there is a proverb, or saying,
current in Lughman, referring to the two towns

294

MALEK OSMAN.

of Cliaharb^gli an,d Alishang, or rather to the man-
ners of those who inhabit them, which runs : —

Chaharbagh, ding, dang ;

, AKshang, jang, jang.

We followed the valley beyond the castle of
Alladad Khan until it might be said to cease,
and to the point where the road strikes off towards
the north for Nadjil, said to be eight cosses, or
twelve miles, distant, when we returned. Nadjil is '
held by people now called Tajiks, but were recently
Kafrs, and who, while professing Mahomedaflism,
preserve, in great measure, their pristine manners
and customs. They pay revenue to the governor
of Lughman. Their malek, Osman, from his long
standing and experience, enjoys a reputation out
of his retired valley. He boasts of descent, not
exactly from Alexander the Great, but ffo^a Amir
Taimtir ; and when rallied upon the subject, and
asked how so diminutive a being can lay claim
to so proud an origin, replies, that he has only to
put out one of his eyes, and lame one of his legs,
and he would become Taimur himself. The tradi-
tion goes, that. Taimur procured a wife in this
country. It is curious to find, on reference to the
history of this monarch, not a confirmation of the
tradition, but a circumstantial detail of his visit
to this part of the world.

Baber notes, that in his time swine were plentiful
in Ldghman. In these days there are none, the

RUBIES.

entire conversion of its inhabitants having effected
the extinction of the unclean race. The natives
of Nadjil fatten capons, which are sent as presents
and luxuries to their friends. About eight miles
south-west of Alishang is a place called Saloh Rand
Kot, where are two,, or three modem castles and,
it is said, some ancient vestiges. From a spring
there, it is also asserted that fragments of rubies
are ejected, and that parcels of them have been
collected and sold to the pessdrls, or drug-com-
pounders, at Kabal as medicaments. The opposite
valley to Alishang, that of Alingar, is much more
spacious and of greater length. It is inhabited
chiefly by Afghans, Ghiljis, Arrokis, and Mazis ;
is amply provided with castles, but has no consider-
able village. In one of its southern valleys, the dara
Nidzi, very many of the usual sepulchral indications
are to be found ; and the discovery of treasure there
when the nawib held the government of the
Ghiljis, led to the loss of many lives. The revenue
of Lughman amounts to two hundred and thirty
thousand rupees; and as the Afghans contribute
one hundred and sixty thousand, it may be judged
how much of the land is in their possession; as
a great part of the Tajik revenue is derived from
the towns and villages in which they nearly ex-
clusively reside. As is customary throughout the
Kabal territories, the AferhAns and Taiiks havs

• • I

296 EXTENT OF CULTIVATION.

is computed that' there are one hundred thousand
jerribs of cultivated land in the valley of Lughman,
exclusive of twenty thousand in Khaeh, or the nar-
row slip of land between the course of the Kabal
river and the Siah Koh range.

The lands are very productive, and the agricultu-
rists are esteemed expert. Two general crops are
obtained in the year, as in Ningrahar and PesJ.iawer,
the Rabbi and Kharif, the first of barley and wheat,
the latter of rice, sugar-cane, and cotton. The arti-
ficial grasses are extensively grown, and wasma, a
species of indigo-plant, is reared.. Formerly the ex-
tract was made, as neglected vats and reservoirs in
the earth at one or two places testify; at present
the leaves of the plant are dried as tobacco leaves,
and the pulverized mass is sold to the dyers, who
use the infusion. I observed with pleasure the fire-
fly enlivening the darkness of the nights. Ibad pre-
viously seen an occasional one at Darfinta: here
they were numerous, and in groups. In some of the
canals the eel is found, called m^-mahi, or the
snake-fish; it is matter of dispute whether the am-
biguous animal is or not lawful food. The heat is
very oppressive in Lughman until the month of
September, when the weather becomes tempei’ate,
and the winter is delightful. The great amount of
land given over to the cultivation of rice, by being
inundated until the grain matures, throws out very
noxious exhalations before the harvest, and to walk

SKILFUL AGRICULTURISTS. 297

amongst the fields is very unpleasant, hut the same
may be said of all rice-countries.

The Tajiks of Lfighman speak a _^dialect called
by themselves and their neighbours Lughmani, but
which, I presume, to be nearly the same as the
Pashai, the Koh'istani of Dara Ndr, and the dialect
of the Siaposh Kafrs. They also speak Persian.
They are industrious, and remarkably neat culti-
vators of the land. The ridges between the several
plots of soil are formed very precisely, the fields
are weeded, and altogether are so tended as I have
nowhere else witnessed. They are partial to drill-
husbandry, and transplant all their rice-plants, and
receive the benefit of their skill and labour- in
overflowing crops. They are esteemed a very cun-
ning and litigious people, and, according to their
neighbours, their agricultural proficiency need not
^ be wondered at, considering to whom they are in-
debted for it. On which matter they have the fol-
lowing amusing story : — .

In times of yore, ere the natives were acquainted
with the arts of husbandry, the shaitan, or devil,
appeared amongst them, and winning their confi-
dence, recommended them to sow their lands.
They consented, it being farther agreed that the
devil was to be a sherik, or partner, with them.
The lands were accordingly sown with turnips,
carrots, beet, onions, and such vegetables whose
value consists in the roots. When the crops were

* I

298 AMUSING STORY.

mature tlie shaitau appeared, and generously asked
the assembled agriculturists if they would receive
for their shaje what was above-ground or what
was below. Admiring the vivid green hue of
the tops, they unanimously replied, that they
would accept what was above ground. They were
directed to remove their portion, when the devil
and his attendants dug up the roots, and carried
them away. The next year he again came, and
entered into partnership. The lands were no.w
sown with wheat and other grains, whose value
lies in their seed-spikes. In due time, as the crops
had ripened, he convened the husbandmen, put-
ting the same question to them as he did the
preceding year. Resolved not to be deceived as
before, they chose for their share what was below
ground ; on which the devil immediately set to
work and collected the harvest, leaving them-to dig
up the w*orthless roots. Having experienced that
they were not a match for the devil, they grew
weary of his friendship ; and it fortunately turned
out that on departing with his wheat he took the
road from Luglmiin to Barikab, which is pro-
verbially intricate, and where he lost his road, and
has never been heard of or seen since. The por-
tion of the road to this day retains the name of
Shaitan Gum, or the place where the devil lost his
way.

Between it and Lughman is a locality called

AKBAB KHAN’S DISASTER. 299

Badpash, remarkable for the cureent of air which
constantly drives there. In my time, Mahomed
Akbar Khan, with his troops, returning from a
foray on the Sahibzada Uzbins, was caught in a
wind-tempest at the place, and he and they were
as nearly blown away as the devil had been be-
fore them. The force was overwhelmed in the
elemental strife, and broken up. Several persons
perished, with their horses. Many w’ere found
afterwards, and slain by the Sahibzada Uzbins.

P^rom Pashai I made one long march to Darunta,
and thence the next day passed on to Tatang. Be-
sides the trips and excursions I have noted in this
work, I had during this year thoroughly explored
the valley of Jelalabad, abounding in interesting
monuments, as tumuli, mounds, caves, Ac.

Having turned my attention to the side of KabM,
before finally leaving the lower countries, I made
yet another short excursion to Murkhi Khel, at the
foot of the Safed Koh, to ascertain if it were true,
as affirmed by rumour, that a tope existed there. I
made one march from Tatang, passing through
Nimla, and reached the place by evening, where I
was civilly received by a malek, whose house was
immediately adjacent to the monument. He was
very willing that I should examine it ; and I have
ever since been much chagrined that I did not at the
time do so, as this is one of the objects which, when
in my power, I neglected, while subsequent events

300 TOPE OF MIJUKHI KHEL.

prevented my again giving it my personal atten-
tion. The monument was in style of construction,
and as regards appearance, the miniature type of the
superior tope at Hidda ; I therefore had little doubt
as to its age ; but I had hoped, from the nature of its
relics, if it fortunately contained any, to have been
enabled to have speculated upon the precise charac-
ter of the two structures, which the costly and di-
versified deposits obtained fi-om the Hidda monu-
ment scarcely permitted. I had a strong impression -
that the latter edifice might be due to one of those
princes whose coins we possess, and which we call
Indo-Sassanian, and my visit to Murkhi Khel tended
to confirm me in my conceit.

That the spot had been anciently appropriated to
the reception of the dead of some peculiar race or
sect, was sufiaciently intelligible from the surprising
quantities of human bones strewing^the surface in
certain places. These were in such number that the
walls separating the several plots of soil were formed
of them. To answer this purpose they were, of
course, entire, and it was impossible to imagine that
they had ever been subjected to the action of fire.
They might, indeed, have been interred ; and it was
necessary to suppose so, or to conjecture that at
Murkhi KhH we had fallen upon a spot where the
old Guebre inhabitants of the country deposited
their corpses. I was inclined to the latter opinion,
because some fifteen or sixteen copper coins I pro-

NOKAE KHEL. 301

cured here, picked up amongst the bone localities,
were all Iiido-Sassanian. When I reflected for the
moment that the monies might or might not be as
essential a provision to a Guehre corpse as to one
which was destined to cremation, another" fact well
' explained their presence.

■ At Nokar Khel, about three miles north, or lower

I down on the plain, entire skeletons are and have

been frequently found. Around their ancle-bones
.were originally tied trinkets, coins, or tokens of
? some kind; of which the present inhabitants are so

, aware i that upon detecting a new subject they

I never fail minutely to examine its lower extremi-

I ties, and are generally rewarded by some trifle;

sometimes they obtain articles of value. In these
|: days Murkhi Khel is a delightful locality, com-

I ' prising the two sides of a spacious glen, down which
? flows a fine rhulet. There is a village called by
‘ that name, of about fifty houses, and several small
hamlets, castles, and towers, together forming an
aggregate of nearly three hundred houses. My
friend, the malek, told me that there were about
. one hundred vineyards. Although the tempera-
ture is low, they have two harvests, one of wheat in
the spring, and another of gall and ju& in the au-
tumn. The latter is so productive, that I was
assured a charak and half of seed yielded in return
■ ■ a kharwdr of grain. About two miles east of
Murkhi Khel, also at the foot of the hills, is Zo&,

302

JAJIS— NASRULAH.

femed for the multitude of its vineyards and or-
chards ; west of it is Mama Khel, where resides Mir
Afzil Khan, who I have before had occasion to men-
tion. Murkhi Khel is, moreover, situated at a point
where a road leads over the Safed Koh range to the
Jaji comitry.

During my stay here — and the spot had so many
attractions that I remained three days — I saw many
of the Jajis, who seemed to make the house and
tower of my malek their serai. They were a shade
more rude in manners than the people on the
northern skirts of the Safed Koh, and these are not
very refined. Their dress is peculiar, a kind of cap
being used in place of the lunghi, or turban, and
their pantaloons fitting closely to the legs, while the
lower portions are highly ornamented with needle-
work. An intelligent youth, Nasrulah, who knew
more about his own country, or had 'a better way of
communicating his knowledge than any other of
his countrymen I conversed with, after having satis-
fied my inquiries, demanded in return, a tavlz, or
written charm, to soften the hearts of Gul Khan
and his vdfe Tanai, who objected to give him their
daughter, his kanghAl, or sweetheart, with the musi-
cal name of Gulsimma.

The subordinate hills of the Safed Koh are in
the neighbourhood of Murkhi Khel interesting, as
containing steatite, prase, and other magnesian
minerals, while they are clothed with forests of

TEEIKKL

303

pine-trees. From all the accounts I gathered,
this celebrated range has an abrupt descent upon
the plains of the opposite province of Khuram.
On our return we came down upon Nokar Khel,
near which is a tumulus, of large dimensions. The
peojjle of the vicinity hearing of the operations
carried on upon the topes and tumuli near Je-
lalabad, considered it might be profitable to ascer-
tain the contents of the edifice in question, and
parties, in turns, commenced their labours at the
summit. In four or five days they grew discouraged,
and desisted.

From Nokar Khel we passed on to Nimla, where,
the evening being far advanced, we halted for the
night. The next morning we crossed the undu-
lating country to Bdlla Bagh, and fording the Sfirkh
Rud, again reached Tatang, having now nothing far-
ther to do than to make the best of our way to
■ Kdbal. * Accordingly w'e started, having as escort
Abdulah, brother of the malek at Jigdillik, from
which place we took the route of Hira Manzi, lead-
ing over a very high hill, but the road good, so that
it is not requisite to dismount, and came down di-
rectly into the valley of T^zin. Here we did not
halt, but for a few minutes ; on resuming our road,
we crossed the Haft Kotal, and traversing the table-
space beyond, eventually reached Terikki, where w^e
passed the night with some Ahmed Zai Ghiljis, who
dwell in tents there. Here were the remains of a

304 ARRIVAL AT KABAL.

Chaghatai castle, and the fragments of marly rock
every where strewing the surface of the soil were
full of fossilized shells. In the morning we passed,
in the distance to our left, the village of Khurd
Kabal, and crossed the range which separated us
from the Kabal valley, descending upon the tope
and village of Kamari. HencU' we struck across the
plain, and reached in safety my old quarters in the
Balia Hissar.

b ^ 4-<

CHAPTER XIII

Dost Mahomed. Khan’s intention to assume royalty. — Yiews and
opinions of parties. — Sultan Mahomed Khan’s departure. — Day
of inauguration. — Ceremony. — Exhortations. — Remarks of his
subjects. — Dost Mahomed Khan’s demeanour. — His justification.
— Preparations for the war. — The khan mulla’s dexterity. — Plun-
der of the Hindus. — Mahomed Osman Khan’s address. — Dost
Mahomed Khan’s intentions. — Extortion from Mahomedans. —
Death of Sabz All- — Amount of exactions. — March of troops. —
H^ji Khan’s departure. — State of the season. — Mirza Uziir. —
Mahomed KuH Khdn. — Progress to Jelalabad. — Robbers at S6h
Baba — Jigdillik. — Necessity of Mahomed Kuli Khan. — Gan-
damak. — Dart|nta. — Death of Naib Yar Mahomed. - — Letters
from Ludiana. — Equivocal nature of employment. — Incivility
of the nawab.^ — Saiyad Keramat All’s departure. — His tactics. —
His intentions. — His assault on Ranjit Singh. — Delicate duties.
~ Evils of Saiyad Keramat All’s conduct. — Afghan notions of
official etiquette.

At Kabal the public mind was much occupied
by the preparations making for the announced
crusade against the Sikhs, and by the understood
intention of Dost Mahomed Kh^ to assume the
dignity of p&dshah. Hdji Kh^n, who, previous to
his departure from Kabal, proposed this step, now
on his return again recommended it, as did Mirza
Sami Khan, and others. The relatives of the sirdar

VOL. in.

306 DAY OF INAUGURATION FIXED.

were unanimously opposed to it, urging, that it was
unbecoming and impolitic ; but since the deaths of
Amir Mahomed Khan, and Mahomed Rehim Khan,
the Amin-a-Mulkh, there were none amongst them
to whose opinions he judged it necessary to pay de-
ference. It was therefore decided upon, and the
day for the ceremony of inauguration fixed. Sultan
Mahomed Khfin, with his brother, Pir Mahomed
Khan, were living at Kabal, on no very friendly
terms with Dost Mahomed Khdn. The latter omit-
ted no opportunity, by taunt or sarcasm, to annoy
Sfiltan Mahomed Khin ; he possessed himself ef his
guns, muskets, and other military munitions, which
were surrendered because it was known that, other-
wise, they would have been forcibly taken. The two
brothers, notwithstanding many defections happened
amongst their followers, still maintained a large
proportion of troops, and Sultan Mahomed Khan
was willing, in concert with his friends, to have
drawn the sword and braved the chances of a
struggle with his brother. On one occasion he
actually left the city and proceeded to the Afsh&
castles, but admittance was refused to him. Had
he been received he would have displayed his
standard, and been joined by those in his interest
or in the plot, and Kabal, for a few days, whoever
had been the victor, might have exhibited, as of
old, instructive scenes of tumult. Now that the
inauguration of Dost M^omed Khan was about to
take place, Sultan Mahomed Khan did not choose

PPili

CEREMONY. 307

either to assist or to be present at the ceremony. He
therefore obtained permission to proceed to Bajor,
to induce Mir Alam Khan to co-operate in the
warfare ag-ainst the Sikhs, and left Kabal, having
obtained a sum of money fi*om Dost Mdhomed
Khan for his expenses. The day at length arrived
when the chief of Kabal proposed to elevate him-
self above his brothers, by the assumption of a new
title, and superior degree of rank. It was ushered
in with no expressions of joy, and there were no
discharges of artillery to announce to the inhabi-
tants »of the city that their chief was about to in-
vest himself with regal authority. Towards even-
ing, Dost Mahomed Khan, leaving the Balia Hissar,
proceeded to the Id Gah, near Si^h Sang, where
many, but not all, of his relatives and chiefs at-
tended, with the eldest son of Mir Wais. The
latter officiated as primate ; and repeating prayers,
placed two or three blades of grass in the turban
of Dost Mahomed Khan, proclaiming him Padshah,
with the title of Amir al Momamn, or commander
of the faithful. Then, turning to the crowds around,
and alluding to the holy war the amir intended to
wage with the infidels, he informed them, it was the
duty of every Mussulman, by voluntary contribution,
to assist in the promotion of so righteous a cause
to the extent of his power. Abdul Samad scatter-
ed a few rupees amongst the crowd, which then
began to disperse, the amir’s relatives, and other
chiefs, taking the road to the city by the Derwaza

308 DARBAE RULES.

Latori, wMle he,, and some half a dozen particu-
lars, returned to the Balia Hissar by the road he
went. There were immense crowds collected from

r ■

the city, both of Mahomedans and Hindus, proba-
bly in expectation of witnessing some display of
pomp and ceremony, and they returned to their
homes disappointed, as there really was little to
be seen.

I was sitting on the summit of a small emi-
nence, called Tappa Khdk Balkh, within gun-shot
of the Derwaza Shhh Shehid, as the newly-created
aiTiir passed along the road, separated from the
tappa by the breadth of a cultivated field. Some
of his horsemen galloping over it, he cried out to
them, not to ride over the raiyat’s grain. One of
those near me observed, “ Do you hear the scoun-
drel? How soon he evinces solicitude about his
raiyats.” Another party, of six or §even persons,
broke up as he came near, saying one to the other
that he was a bacha Kaballi, or lad of Kabal, and
if he saw them sitting together he would fancy
that each of them had a bottle of wine under his
cloak. For some days after this event the darbar
was frequently the scene of much mirth, if not of
buffoonery. ' It had formerly been the custom in
addressing the chief to call him Sirdm', it now
became fit that he should be styled Amir Sahib,
and it was settled that any one who should be
guilty of a lapstis Ungues should forfeit a rupee.
The people who recommended Dost Mahomed

♦

809

THE amir’s demeanour.

Khan to proclaim himself padshah, it was sup-
posed, did so under the idea that he would not,
a slave to etiquette, interest himself so much in
the management of affairs, leaving a little more to
their discretion. In this they were grievously dis-
appointed, for not only did his plainness of manner
and easiness of access continue as before, but he
seemed to give more personal attention to business
than ever. Inspecting some new gun-carriages, made
' under orders of Abdul Samad, he inquired for the
wood and nails of the old ones. Abdul Samad sub-
mittfed that it was derogatory in a pMsh&h to ask
about such trifles. The amir told him that he was
altogether mistaken, for it behoved him to look
after them as they would come into use. If the
amir himself had any reasons for putting on a su-
perior title beyond the petty ones of mortifying his
relatives, and gratifying at a costless rate his own
vanity, they may be found in the opinions held by
Afghans in general, that in combats, whether for
political or religious ends, it is becoming to fight
under the standard of a sovereign, as in that case
the reward of martyrdom is certainly secured to the
slain. It is also agreeable to Afghan ideas, that an
individual who ihas discomfited a padshah, as Dost
Mahomed Khan had done Shah Sujah al Mulkh,
should himself assume the dignity he is supposed
fairly to have won. It was, _ moreover, alleged
by his supporters that he merely revived the pre-
tensions and claims of the Bai’ak Zai family, as set

310 ■ THE AMIRS JUSTIFICATION.

forth by Ms ancestor, Haji Jamal, who proclaimed
himself padshah, and struck coin, previous to the ac
knowledgment of the Sadu Zai family, in the person
of Ahmed Shah ; and, it was asserted, that the claims
of the BMak Zais by lying dormant had not
superseded. The more cogent of the arguments
advanced by his friends, however, was the neces
sity of the moment. As for Dost Mahomed
he said, and always afterwards insisted, that
Khdn, Mirza Sami, the khan mulla, with the w
horde of mullas, and of the religious classes, forced
him to take up the title. There was an amhsing
contention amongst the ingenious mirzas to pro-
vide fit mottoes for the official seal of the amir,
and for the new rupee it was intended to strike.
In both instances Mirza Sami Khan bore the
palm from his competitors. While these proceed-
ings were in train, the important conflict ^before
them was not lost sight of by the amir and his
friends. They began seriously to think on the
means of prosecuting it, and how and where to
obtain money engrossed all their attention. It
may have been hoped that voluntary contribu-
tions would have spared the amir the trouble
and odium of making extortions, but it was clear
that, however the Mahomedans of Kabal were at-
tached to their religion, they were quite as partial
to their gold, and no one thought of offering it in
support of the great cause of which the amir
avowed himself the champion.

I :

KHAN MULLA’S DEXTERITY. 311

With the Hindus,^ the khin mulla’s

sagacity discovered a sacred text admirably adapted
to their case, as well as to the circumstances of
the amii’. It set forth, that it was lawful to seize
the wealth of infidels, provided the wealth so seized
was employed in repelling the aggressions of in-
fidels. Now, as ilanjit Singh had clandestinely
acquired Peshawer during the absence of the amir
at Kandahar, and to recover Peshawer was the
' object of the amir’s present expedition, it was
clear that Ilanjit Singh was the aggressor ; and
in eagaging in a defensive war against the infidel,
it became obviously consistent with divine sanction
that the amir should supply his necessities from
the funds of his Hindu subjects.- Had the amir
possessed a single doubt of conscience it must
have been allayed by the sound deductions of the
khAn mulla.' The Hindu shikarpuris, or bankers
of the city, were sent for, and being informed they
were prisoners until they had arranged to con-
tribute three lakhs of rupees, were made over to
the custody of Hfiji Khan. Officers were des-
patched over all parts of the country in search of
Hindus, and to secure those who had wealth.
Shamsodin Khan was enjoined to look after those
of Ghazni ; and Mahomed Akbar Khfin zealously
fulfilled his instructions regarding those of the pro-
vince of Jelalabad. Many fell into the hands of
their pursuers, many contrived to hide themselves,
but the houses and visible property of all wei*e

312 PLUNDEE OF THE HINDUS.

plundered througliout the country. In the city
only the principal suffered. The petty sirdars and
jaghird^’s imitated the salutary example set them
by the amir. ^ H4ji Khan by his agents despoiled
the Hindus of Chahar B%h of Lughman ; and
Mahomed Osm4n Khan repaired to Balia Bagh,
where he seized all the Hindus", having dexterously
induced them, by letters assuring them of pro-
tection, to remain in their houses until he arrived.
Subsequently, when the amir passed Balia B%h
in his way eastward, he inquired of Mahomed
Osman Khhn how much money he had procured
for him from his Hindus. The reply was, none,
as they had given him the slip, and secreted them-
selves under the Safed Koh.

Many times afterwards the amir would ask
about the Hindus of Balia B%h, and Mahomed
Osmin Kh^ as constantly averred "he knew no-
thing of them. In coui’se of time, it proved that
they had, all the while, been detained in close
custody at B£la Bagh; and when they were dis-
covered and produced before the amir, it was
lamentable to witness the trim in which they ap-
peared. The amir could not get any of the money
taken from these particular Hindus by Mahomed
Osman Khin, but he compelled him to give them
bills for the amount, and . soothed them by the
hopes of having the sums taken from them repaid.
The hunting over the country for Hindus con-
tinued long after snow had fallen, and when the

COMPULSORY LOANS. 313

hiding-places of any of them were brought to
light messengers were instantly despatched to seize
the fugitives. The Shikarphris did not long re-
main in durance; sensible they had no hope to
escape the demands made upon them, t&y tender-
ed a smaller amount, and after some debate, in
■which Haji Khan professed himself their friend,
a sum a little beyond two lakhs of rupees was
accepted from them, for which the amir gave
' them his bonds for repayment. It must be noted,
that whatever monies were taken on this occasion
may rather be considered as compulsory loans than
as absolute extortions, it being the intention, if
affairs prospered, to repay them. The amir walk-
ed in the footsteps of his profligate brother, Fati
Khan, who, notorious for the unscrupulous manner
in which he replenished his coffers, and met his
pecuniary ex^encies, was also as celebrated for
the punctuality with which he repaid the sums
he forcibly borrowed, whenever able to do so ;
whence, although as unprincipled a man as per-
haps ever lived, he ultimately acquired the honour-
able reputation of being a “ sahib itawah,” or a
man of his word, and trustworthy. The financial
operations of the amir were not confined to his
Hindu subjects, but included ■within their compass
the more opulent of the Mdhomedan merchants,
as w'ell as many individuals politically suspected,
or obnoxious. Sabz Ali, a merchant, from whom
thirty thousand rupees were asked, expired under

314 DEATH OF SABZ ALI.

tlie tortures applied to Mm, at wMcli the amir
expressed, and probably in truth, much regret, as
he did not desire the death of the man, but his
money. He was not well pleased, however, that
the accident should set aside his claim, and dealing
with the conjmicture in the best way he could,
compelled the relatives of the unfortunate man
to ransom his corpse. Neither did the amir on
this occasion spai-e his own wives. From some
of them he obtained jewels to a considerable -
amount ; and his mode of treatment with these
fair subjects varied according to their dispositions.
From the timid, a slight menace, or peremptory
command would be sufficient ; for others, his vows
to abstain from conjugal intercourse until his de-
mands were satisfied, in the end proved successful.
Besides all these various means, he levied two
years’ jezia, or capitation-tax, on the ..Hindus
throughout the country, and anticipated the re-
ceipt of a year’s revenue on the town duties, of
Kabal. It was supposed that he had made ex-
’traordinary collections to the amount of nearly
five lakhs of rupees, and having expended two
lakhs in unavoidable expenses, and in marching
his army from Kabal, took with him into the field
funds to the amount of three lakhs of rupees. The
troops had been for some time, in succession, des-
patched to Jelalabad, and in the latter end of
February the amir followed them, leaving Mirza

HAJI KHAN’S DEPARTOEE. 315

Sami KHan, and the Nawab Jabar Khan to obtain
money on jewels which he had procured from his
wives ; the mirza to act as agent in negociating
the loan, and the nawab to act as guarantee that
the jewels should not be claimed before the sums
advanced on them were paid.

On the 5th of March Haji Kham left the Balia
Hissar to join the Amir. His departure was sig-
nalized by the scattering of copper money amongst
* the populace, who were loud in the praises of
sakhi, or generous, Haji Khan. On reaching the
ziarat* Shah Shehid, whither the crowd followed
him, he halted, and, extending his hands, implored
a benediction ; then abruptly saluting the by-stand-
ers with one of his best Salam alikams, cantered
off for Bhut Khak. He was entirely alone, and
wrapped in a postin, his people having preceded him.

This .season presented a strange but favourable
contrast to the last. Snow bad fallen in the begin-
ning of December, but it had gradually disappeared,
and the weather w'as beautiful and mild. The
new year, 1835, commenced most auspiciously, and’
spring seemed to have taken the place of winter.
During the month of February the flowers of Noh
Roz made their appearance, as did swallows ; and
it was matter of congratulation that the .winter
had passed. On the night of the 26th Februaiy
a smart shower of snow destroyed these expecta-
tions, and some cold weather succeeded, but still

I I

• •

316

MIRZA UZUR.

not to be compared to the rigour of the preceding
year ; neither did the snow fall in such quantity
as to remain long on the surface.

I had for some time been thinking of proceeding
to JelOabad, and now arranged to go in company
with Mirza Uzur, Hdji Khan’s chief secretary, and
one of my Bdmiin acquaintance. The 7th of
March was the day fixed, and when I sent to the
mirza to inquire if he was ready to start, he replied
that he wanted ten rupees to redeem his cooking-"

utensils, lodged with one of his creditors. As 1 had

no mind to delay, I sent him the sum required, and
presently after he came, and we rode on to Bhdt
Khak, and occupied the samfiches. The mirza
had eight or ten small but active nags. It had
rained, in a drizzling manner, all the way from
K^bal, and, now and then, a flake of snow fell. In
the morning the same kind of weather continued,
and I wished to move on, but the mirza said it
was indispensable that he should send a man back
to the city for hinna, to dye the tails and hoofs of
his horses, as it was ungenteel to travel with them
in a colourless state. We were, therefore, detained
this day at the samuches. In the evening we were
joined by Mahomed Kuli Khfin, the only surviving
son of the Vazir Fati Khan, who had a party of
about forty horse, besides his laden cattle. He
occupied a samuch, contiguous to outs. The wea-
ther was too threatening to allow us to march, and
we were, therefore, against oiu’ wills, detained an-

MAHOMED KULI KHAN. 317

other day here. In the evening, with Mirza Uzui-
I supped with Mahomed Kiili Khan. I found him
a handsome youth, of nineteen or twenty years of
age, but with a peculiar cast of features, having a
long acquiline nose and pointed chin. He was Yery
intelligent, but, it was easy to perceive, libertine
and dissipated. He formerly resided with his uncles
at Peshawer, who allowed him twenty thousand ru-
pees per annum. On their expulsion, he came of
necessity to Kabal, where his excesses were not so
indulgently viewed by the amir, and he was told,
that, ±0 secure favour, he must reform his course
of life, and dismiss his evil associates. I suspect
these conditions were rather too difficult to be com-
plied with, and his contumacy afforded the amir a
pretext for behaving very parsimoniously towards
his nephew. M^omed Ktili Khffii is one of two
brothers, ttie'tfnly sons the vazir had, and they were
by a celebrated Kinchini, named B%hi, whom he
married. Sirbalend Khdn, the elder, is said to have
been a promising youth, and met his death acci-
dentally in the Bagh Shah at Kabal, amusing him-
self with the jerid, or exercise of the lance. En-
deavouring to transfix an apple on the ground, his
weapon rebounded and pierced his breast. He
lingered a few days and died. We sat a long
time in chat with Mahomed Ktili Khin, and on
parting it was agreed that we should be compa-
nions on the road. The next day being fine and
clear, we started, and taking the road of Sokhta

318

ROBBERS.

Chanar, we halted on the rivulet below Tezui.
Just before reaching our ground we fell in with
a party of robbers, but they filed over the hills lead-
ing to Tezin. During the night our chokis, or
guards, were kept on the qui-vive, I suppose by
these very fellows, but we lost nothing. The fol-
lowing morning we proceeded ‘‘down the valley, and
met a large Afghan kfifila. We learned that a
band of about thirty Sahibzada Uzbin robbers were
stationed at the ziarat Seh Baba, a little in ad-
vance; that they had not ventured to assail the
kafila, the men belonging to it being Afghans, and
too numerous. We had scarcely passed these when
we met a smaller kafila, also Afghfin, who informed
us that they had been attacked, but had preserved
their property at the expense of three of their men
being wounded. Of this we had ocular evidence in
the poor fellows bathed in blood. It ''was a sad pity
we had not reached five minutes earlier. Mahomed
Kuli Khfin, Mirza Uzui', and myself, with about
fifteen horsemen, soon reached Seh Baba, where
we drew up, that the rest of our party might join.
We descried a fellow skulking on the summit of
one of the eminences in our front, but on our
hailing him he decamped. He was the sjry of the
robbers, who, no doubt, were in ambush close by us.
We were too strong to bo attacked, and it is never
part of the system of these thieves to commit them-
selves with horsemen.

Our whole party assembled, we placed our bag-

REACH GANDAMAK.

31 &

gage in front, and ascended the undulating sand-
stone eminences intervening between Seh B4ba
and Barikab. We rested awhile at the latter place,
and then resumed our journey to Jig&illik, w'here
we halted in the garden. We saw nohe of the
inhabitants here, as they had removed, for the sea-
son, or perhaps to escape the visit of troops, to a
valley lower down, called Peri Dara (the fairy’s
vale). I received an intimation at this place that
should be applied to on the part of Mahomed
Kuli Khan for money, as it appeared that the son
of the, vazlr was pemiyless ; and I had authorized
my servant, if such a request were made, without
speaking to me, to give, as if from himself, a small
sum. Ghulam All, the maternal uncle of the young
khan, in due time represented his necessities, and
my servant gave ten rupees, which sufficed to pro-
cure provender, and other little necessaries they
needed. In' mentioning this circumstance I must
not be thought to convey an imputation on my
companion, who, so far from being intrusive, or
greedy of the property of another, was liberal to
prodigality. He was destitute as to money, yet
still would have given me anything of what he
possessed, and I had difficulty to refuse little things
he was continually sending me. From Jigdillik
the next day we marched on to Gandamak; and
it proved that two sisters of Mahomed Kull Kb 4u
were in the ricinity, one residing permanently at
Mama Khel, with her husband, Mir Afzil Khan,

320

death: of yar mahomed.

the other, a wife of Mahomed Zeman Khan, tempo-
rarily occupying a castle near Gandamak. He had
frequently boasted to me on the road that he should
be at home on reaching Gandamak. The sister
there senf her little boy to his uncle with a pre-
sent of fruit, and shortly after came a sheep, with
other necessaries. A messenger from Mama Khel
brought a gentle reproach from the sister there on
account of Mahomed KuK not having visited her.
The next day, taking leave of the vazir’s son and
Mirza Uzdr for the present, I, with my party, took
the road to Balia B%h, and passing it, as well as the
nawab’s castle of Tatang, we reached Darunta in
the evening. It was with much regret that I heard
the news of my good friend the Naib Yar Maho-
med having departed this life but a few days before.
He spoke frequently of me in his last sickness, and
said his ill-fortune detained me at Kabal, or had I
been present I should have given him medicine, and
cured him. He was succeeded as naib of the
Ghiljis by his son, Ghulam Rasul Khan. Before
I had left Kabal I had;, seen the Nawab Jabar
Khan; and aware that it had been arranged that
he should proceed to Bajor, I had concerted to
accompany him, purposing to remain there for some
time, and examine the country and its neighbour-
hood. The nawab, having effected his political ob-
jects, would of course return. I had sent one of
my young men to Tatang to see if the nawab had
reached from Kabal, and he brought me a message

EQUIVOCAL EMPLOYMENT.

821

tliat one of that nobleman’s kMds, just arrived fi-oni
Ludiana, was the bearer of letters for me. This
took me to Tatang the next morning, and a letter
was put into my hand from Captain Wade, the
political agent at Ludiana, informing me’ that the
government, at his recommendation, had been
pleased to appoint ibe their agent for communi-
cating intelligence in these quarters.

Whatever my feelings were on this occasion, it is
■. unnecessary for me to obtrude them on public at-
tention. I might have supposed it would have
been qnly fair and courteous to have consulted my
wishes and views before confemng an appointment
which compromised me with the equivocal politics of
the country, and threw a suspicion over my proceed-
ings, which did not before attach to them. I might
have also lamented that I should be checked in the
progress of antiquarian discovery, in which I was en-
gaged, and I might reflect whether the positive
injury I suffered in this respect was compensated by
the assurance that his lordship, the governor-
general in council, “ anticipates that the result of
your employment will be alike useful to govern-
ment and honourable to yourself.”

The messenger who brought the letter for me
had delivered a packet to the nawdb, from his son
and the persons in his train at Ludiana. I knew
not the nature of then.’ communications, but this
nobleman, who had hitherto been so assiduous in
his attentions and civility, treated me with such

VOL. III.

322

TACTICS OP KERAMAT ALL

marked rudeness, that I abruptly left him, and with-
out taking leave mounted my horse. This was the
first fruit of ^my new appointment; nor was it until
some time after his return to Kdbal that our inter-
course was carried on in the same friendly manner
as before. To do the nawfib justice, when- he found
that he had been deceived, ‘br that he had mis-
understood matters, his concessions and apologies
were ample.

I have before noticed Saiyad Keramat All, and »
the dilemma from which he was relieved by the
death of Amir Mahomed Khan. It appeared that,
in consequence of disagreement with Captain Wade,
he had requested permission to return to India,
which was granted, and Mohan Lai, the Hindii
mfinshi, and companion of Lieutenant Burnes in his
travels, was appointed to succeed him. The saiyad,
however, oir the return of Dost Mahomed Khfin to
Kabal, with the view of maintaining his position
until the time fixed for his departure, adopted a new
line of tactics, and fell in heartily with all the pro-
jects of the politicians of. Kabal as to alliances with
the British government, while he imputed his mis-
deeds relating to the correspondence with ShAh
Sujah al Mulkh, to the known wishes of Captain
Wade, however they had proved contrary to those
entertained by the government. Previous to his
departure he had procured a document, sealed by
a number of persons, calling upon the government
to depute an envoy to Kabal, and that envoy to be

DELICATE DUTIES. 323

either Captain Burnes or Captain Conolly ; and
when he finally left he vowed that he would procure
the removal of Captain Wade from Ludiana, or be
himself sent across the k^la p^jii (black water), that
is, be transported.

He had also other wrathful intents ; in conse-
quence of which, w^en at Lahore, he rejected the
presents tendered by Ranjit Singh, and commanded
him to desist from his aggressions on the Afghans.
Finding the Maharaja not perfectly compliant, he
stroked his beard, and swore he would play the
deuce with him when he got to Calcutta. The old
prince, terrified, applied to Captain Wade at Lu-
diana for protection against the saiyad.

The first duty I had to discharge was to set the
various parties at Kibal right with the political
agent — ^no easy matter — and “ to correct any miscon-
ceptions the nawab may be inclined to form

from his (the saiyad’s) representations;” — again a
difficult task — for as Captain Wade also wrote, “ I
could hardly have credited the accounts which I
have received of his intrigues since he went to
Cabtil, had I not myself acquired an insight into his
transactions at that place, both while he was there
and since his return, that clearly proves his decev^id
conduct, and the subterfuges to which he can
have recourse to serve his owii mischievous designs.
The impositions which he has been practising on the
nawab are, I understand, of the most glaring nature.
His removal from Cabul must be regarded as a for-

’ I I

324 KERAMAT AO’S CONDUCT.

tunate event. There is no knowing the extent to
which he might have involved the interests of go-
vernment ha^ he remained. His sole object while
there seems to have been to deceive the Barak Zais
into an extravagant belief of his own importance, at
the expense, if possible, of the just influence of his
immediate superior. He was long ago warned by
me not to interfere in the affairs of the chiefs, who-
ever they might be ; that his duty was merely that
of a reporter of passing events. Such an interdic-
tion was likely to be very intolerable to his in-
triguing disposition; and considering his irritable
temper, much of his real or affected discontent, ran-
cour, and malice, towards every one who has at all
interfered with him, may, no doubt, be ascribed to
my detection of his attempts to impose on the cre-
dulity of these people.” Farther, “ The nawab and
all his relatives and retainers, ought now to, be con-
vinced of their extreme folly and weakness, in trust-
ing to the specious words and promises of their un-
worthy adviser, Keramat Ali. The governor-gene-
ral has desired me to inform the nawab, that he
cannot recognize the saiyad as a proper channel of
communication, and has not replied, therefore, to
the letters of which he was the bearer. I have
done so, and will thank you to reitex’ate the injunc-
tion, as well as to point out to the nawab and his
family the propriety of confining their correspond-
ence to the prescribed channel of the officer charged

OFFICIAL LABOURS.

325

with the conduct of the intercourse existing be-
tween the two states, and to send copies, as ordered,
of all letters that he may desire to s^nd to other
quarters.”

It will be seen that the commencement of my
official labours was under auspicious circumstances.
I never took the trouble to ascertain, precisely, what
the saiyad had done, — that he bad done a little I
have shown, and I found that he had bound the
nawab, and many other persons, to support him by
oaths on the Koi4n. I treated the matter less se-
riously than did Captain Wade, and in the course of
two or three months, by the assistance of friends,
had succeeded to put the nawib, and others, in a
more friendly disposition. An evil, greater in my
estimation than the imtation occasioned to Captain
Wade, arose from the political lessons given by the
saiyad to Dost Mahomed Khin, and the principal
people at Kdbal, for he instructed them not as
things were, but as he fancied them to be; this
was unfortunate, and so was his connexion with the
Persian adventurer, Abdul Samad ; and his errors
here were afterwards felt in their effects. I had
also no small trouble in inculcating the propriety of
compliance with Captain Wade’s notions of the eti-
quette to be observed in correspondence with him-
self and the government ; and I remembered that,
in Saiyad Keramat All’s time, some objections had
been made to the mode in which letters were

* I I

326 AFGHAN NOTIONS OF ETIQUETTE.

despatched from Kahal, it being insisted they
should be put in proper envelopes, and then en-
closed in silken bags. This produced some merri-
ment in the darbar, where many thought that, as
Afghans, their letters might reasonably enough be
forwarded under felt covers.

CHAPTER XIV.

Attempt to assassinate the Amir. — His anxiety. — Letter from the
governor-general. — Views of the government^ and of Captain
Wade. — Commencement of communications with Persia. — Ma-
. homed Huss4n. — Allah Y ar Khan s letter. — The Amir’s progress.

— His prayer at All Baghan. — Prognostications. — Dreams. — Mr.
Harlan’s mission. — Sultan Mahomed Khan’s letter. — Plr Ma-
hom^ Khin intercepted. — Deputation of the nawab. — Junction
of Sultan Mahomed Khan. — Khaibar chiefs. — Eanjit Singh’s
movements. — Negotiations. — Truce. — The Amir’s cunning. —
Rage of Pir Mahomed Khan. — Committal of Pir Mahomed
Khan. — Various counsels. — Arrival of Ranjit Singh. — His'
energy and dispositions. — Mission to the Afghan camp. — Amir
decides on retreat. — Proposals to Sultan Mahomed Khan. — Sikh
envoys made oyer to Sultan Mahomed Khan. — Retreat of the
Amlr.-^ Arrival in Khaibar. — Sultan Mdhomed Khan’s conduct.
— Search for Sultdn Mahomed Khan. — Letters from Sultan Ma-
homed Khan. — Disposal of the army. — Return of the Amir to
Kabal. — Mlrza Sami Khan’s wrath. — Evils of the Amir’s in-
judicious policy.

On our road from Kabal a courier had informed
us of an attempt to assassinate the new amir in the
camp at JelalabM. • The offender proved to be a
man once in the service of Fati Mahomed Khan,
the father-in-law to the nawab. Mahomed Kuli
Khan justly observed, that the loss of the amir at
such a crisis would be a great evil. Whatever may
have been Dost M£iomed Kh^’s suspicions as to

328

THE AMIR’S ANXIETY.

the inciters of the intended crime, he did not judge
tit to express them at this juncture, and the assassin
himself was, I believe, suffered to go unpunished.

At Jelalabad the amir was sufficiently employed;
and Mirza Sami Khdn drew up plans for the dis-
position of the army in the conflict which was to
take place with the infidel Sikhs. There is little
doubt that the amir began to distrust his vaunted
power for the expulsion of his foes from Peshawer
by force of arms, and would have been glad, by
any fair pretext, to have been enabled to withdraw
from the contest, and on this account he anxiously
looked for replies to letters he had addressed to
Captain Wade and to the British government. I
am not aware of the nature of these letters, but
can readily imagine they were numerous enough.
I sometimes saw the nawab, but, under his irritated
feelings, to very little profit ; and sometimes I saw
Mirza Sami Kh4n, who was civil, but asserted, that
until informed by the nawab he did not know that
Saiyad Keramat Ali’s actions were disapproved of
by Captain Wade.

While the army was yet at JelalabM a letter
was received from the governor-general. It was
opened with expectations far from realized by the
contents. The amir merely smiled, Mirza Sarai
Khan felt much surprised that no answer had been
given to what he considered the essential point,
affirmed that the liveliest hopes had been enter-
tained, and that the matter was one w'hieh could

GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S LETTER.

329

have been easily arranged by the British govern-
ment. The nawdb was very wraths — avowed that
the government was pleased that the Afghans should
be exterminated ; and his sentiments being re-echoed
by his friends about him, I was glad to get away
from them.

The governor-general’s letter, which would have
been a very good one at another time, had now ar-
rived mal-or^propos. Subsequently, after the amir’s
brief and fruitless campaign had terminated, and
he had returned to Kabal, I received a letter from
Captain Wade, explanatory of his own views and
those of the government at this period, which now
there can be no harm to disclose, and that cannot
be better done than in the political agent’s own
words

“ With regard to the anxiety of the amir and
his brother for the arrival of an answer to their
letter, soliciting the mediation of the British go-
vernment to settle iheir quarrel with the Sikhs,
the letters which I despatched to them on the 6th
of March will have prepared these chiefs for the
reluctance which is felt by our government to be-
come a party in such an affair. I regret the result
sincerely, and endeavoured to avoid, by submitting
a proposition, which if approved, would in its effects
have, in all probability, secured Dost Mahomed
Khan’s present object, and laid the foundation of
an alliance between him and our government bene-

330 VIEWS OF THE GOVERNMENT.

ficial to the interests of both parties, without dis-
gusting Ranjit Singh or compromising the obliga-
tions of friendship due to him. Government, how-
ever, has taken a different view of the subject, and
it behoves "^us, therefore, to try and establish by other
means that influence in Afghanistan which it is our
object to obtain.

“ In the letter of the governor-general, which will
probably have been shown to you, a plain declara-
tion is made to Dost Mahomed Khdn and his
brothers, of the desire of the British government to
form a close connexion with them by an inter-
change of Gomm&i'cial advantages. They are not
likely, at first sight, to discern the benefits which
they will assuredly derive, in a political point of view,
from an alliance formed on such a basis, and may,
in their indignation at the apparent indifference
with which our government has regarded their ap-
plication for assistance against the Sikhs, think that
nothing but a motive purely selfish has dictated
the counter-proposition which we have offered ; but
I need not observe to you, that should Dost Ma-
homed Khan be disposed to encourage our ostmsihk
object, a 7’eal advantage may be gained by him, as
concerns the future importance and strength of his
government, by entering heartily into such a con-
nexion with our government as his lordship’s letter
has indicated.

“ I herewith enclose copies of the letter’s which

ADVICE AND SYMPATHY.

331

I have just addressed both to the nawab and the
amir, which will give you some insight into my sen-
timents. It is impossible for me to exert any direct
interference with the dispute which is now raging
between them and Ranjit Singh, without being
authorized to do so by government, but my opinion
is, and I have expressed it to Abdul Ghias Khmi’s
preceptor and his companion, that the amir should
use every endeavour in Ms power to negociate a peace
• with the Sikhs. He committed great precipitation
in bidding defiance to the Mahm’aja at the time
he did» If determined on hostility, he should have
ascertained beforehand whether there was any person
on whose aid or assistance he could depend, instead
of declaring war, and finding himself left to pro-
secute it with no other resources than his own,
when it was too late to retrace his footsteps with
credit. , Not^thstanding this fatal error, I still
anxiously hope that some means may be devised by
Dost Mahomed Khan, who has, on several occa-
sions nearly as difficult as the present, given such
great proofs of the fertility of his genius, to ex-
tricate himself, without any serious loss of honour,
from his present emban’assing position. I sympa-
thise deeply with him, and though I cannot use the
authority of government, the obligation I am under
‘ of cultivating a good understanding’ with him and
his family will not make me backward in availing
myself of any opporttmities which my personal in-

332

VIEWS OF CAPTAIN WADE.

fluence may afford me, and of which I may legiti-
mately take advantage, of restoring an amicable feel-
ing between^him and his ambitious neighbour.

“ I generally concur in the truth of the opinions
which you have stated, to justify an exertion of
British mediation (to put a stop to the contest
which has perhaps ere now endangered the political
existence of Dost Mahomed Khan), and shall send
a copy of the eloquent appeal which you make
in his favour to government, with such remarks as '
appear calculated, in my opinion, to throw light
on the proper line of policy which it is our duty to
pursue at the present crisis, but I doubt the dis-
position of the government to involve itself, at once,
in such direct political alliance as the amir and his
immediate interests require. The threat of seeking
the support of a rival power shows that want of
foresight for which the Afghans are "proverbial. If
they reflect on their relative situation to the British
government, they must see that such a step might
prove more destructive of their independence than
■any which they could possibly take.”

It would be contrary to the plan I propose for
observance, to comment upon this letter.

The threat alluded to of seeking the support
of a rival power was, in some measure, attempted
at this very time. Mahomed Hussen, since memor-
able as having been one of the agents employed
by Dost Mahomed Khin, being about to return

COMMUNICATIONS WITH PERSIA. 333

to Persia, Ms native country, requested a letter
for the shah. Mahomed Hussen had for some
years resided at Kahal in the Serai MOiomed
Khumi, engaged in traffic, and bearing a most
disreputable character. He had becorne one of
the companions of Saiyad Keramat Ali, and lat-
terly, since Abdul Samad had been admitted to
the amir’s confidence, had avowed himself to be
a correspondent of Abbas Mirza. I doubted the
• truth of this statement, and that I was justified
in doing so was afterwards evidenced ; for, when
in Persia, he never announced in his intercourse
with any one that he had been so employed, w'hich
he w'ould not have failed to do, if only for the
purpose of arrogating a little credit to himself. I
was not aware of the communication made through
Mahomed Hussen at the time : and when I be-
came informed of it I also learned that he had
proceeded to Bokhara, and, not seeing his way
clear into Persia, remained there. Subsequently,
it was again pointed out to me that Mahomed
Hussen had carried letters to the Shah of Per-
sia; and supposing that those written in the
Jelalabad camp were designated, I did not pay
much attention to the information ; and, still later,
when a letter from Allah Yar Khan at Meshed
apprized the amir of Mahomed Hussen’s an-ival
there, and of his despatch to Tehran, I suspect-
ed it to be a fabrication, not being aware that
Mahomed Hussen had returned to Kdbal, and re-

334 DEVICES OF THE AMIR.

started with fresh credentials. Notwithstanding
the marked rudeness of the nawab to me, when
the first letters were given to Mahomed Hussen,
I must do him the justice to state, that he refused
to be a party to them, and affirmed that he had
always advocated a connexion with the British
government, and would continue to do so. This
fact I learned from others, as well as from himself.

On the 5th of April the amir broke ground
from Jelalabad, and by easy marches reached Bas-
sowal. It was clear he lingered on the road,
awaiting, possibly, some overtures from the ■•'Sikhs,
and at Ali Baghan he was favoured with a letter
from Atta Singh, a brother of his former acquaint-
ance, Jai Singh. There also the festival of Id
Khurbin was celebrated ; and the amir, on the
occasion, offered up prayers for success in the im-
pending conflict. He exclaimed audibly, of course
that he might be heard by those around, that he
was a weak fly, about to encounter a huge ele-
phant ; that, if it pleased God, the fly could over-
come the elephant, and he implored God to grant
him victory. Neither did he neglect an appeal
to the more profane arts of divination, and Hazaras
in the camp, skilful prognosticators of events to
come, consulted, agreeably to the custom of their
country, the blade-bones of sheep. Many, also,
were the dreamers of the army ; and the inter-
pretation of their mysterious visions was neces-
sarily made to indicate the elevation of the amir.

MR. HARLAN’S MISSION.

335

and his triumph over his deadly antagonist, Ranjit
Singh, variously typified as a serpent, a dragon,
or a devil. While such ingenious devices wei’e
imagined by the amir, or tolerated by him in
others, it is just to observe, that the economy of
his camp, and his management of the overflowing
hosts of Ghazis, wer5 excellent.

It had been understood that Mr. Harlan was
deputed from the Sikh camp on a mission to Sul-
• tan M^omed Khan at Bajor ; and, while at Bas-
sowal, a letter was received from the latter chief,
stating the fact of Mr. Harlan’s arrival, and that
he had been put to death, while his elephants
and property had been made .booty. This news
created a sensation in the camp, and the multi-
tude exulted that by the act Sultan Mahomed
Khan had detached himself from Sikh interests. I
had the satisftiction to listen to the “Alamdillahs !”
or God be praised ! of the nawab’s dependents,
who vociferated that, now the brothers had be-
come one, and had wiped away their enmities in
Feringhi blood. Mirza Sami Khan, however, pre-
tended to be amazed; it was hard, he said, to
believe that Sultan Mahomed Khan had com-
mitted so foul an action, yet here was his mes-
senger and his letter. The amir, he said, would
have received Mr. Harlan with honour, and have
dismissed him in like manner. Whether the letter
was really sent by Sultan Mahomed Khan, or fabri-
cated by Mirza Sami Khan, I know not ; but a

336 JOINED BY PIR MAHOMED KHAN.

day or two disclosed that Mr. Harlan’s reception
had been most flattering, and it afterwards turned
out that the amir’s brother easily fell in with
Sikh views. Mr. Harlan, with reference to the
part he now played, said he did not deceive Sul-
tan Mahomed Khan, but allowed him to deceive
himself, and, of course, he reported to his employ-
ers that the chief was gained over.

Here also joined Pir Mahomed Kh^ ; he had
lingered behind at Jelalabad, and now dropped
down the river on a float. He probably had in-
tended to have passed on to LMpura, and to, have
joined his brother in Bajor; but the amir, anti-
cipating, or apprized of his project, had stationed
people on the river-bank, who compelled him to
bring-to. He had, therefore, no other course than
to renew his oaths of fidelity to the amir, and
to swear that he renounced brotherhood with Sul-
tan Mahomed KhSn, should he make arrangements
with the Sikhs without the amir’s sanction or
concurrence. Accompanying Pir Mahomed Kh^
were two or three men most obnoxious to the
chief of K4bal, and their countenances too plainly
manifested their fears, and they were unwilling
sojourners in camp.

From Bassowal the nawab was allowed to pro-
ceed to Bajor, pledging himself to return with Sul-
tan Mahomed Kh^ and the Bajor levies to Daka,
where the amir proposed to halt for a few days.

When the -army marched from Bassowal, I re-

DEPARTURE OF MR. HARLAN.

337

turned to Jelalabad, where I resided with an old
acquaintance, Mirza Aga Jan. At Ddka, the
nawab, Tvith Sultdn Mahomed Khan and Mr. Har-
lan, returned to camp. The ex-chief of Peshawer
was attended by his own troops and a respectable
force from Bajor, under orders of Amir Kh^,
the cousin of Mir Alam Khan, who was too wary
to trust himself in the amir’s power. Air. Harlan
did not find the amir so facile as his brother,
and was upbraided for his interference in matters
which could not concern him, as well as for pro-
moting dissension between him and Sdltan Ma-
homed Khan. Air. Hailan found it necessary to
send the amir a Kordn, and to make many pro-
mises; in allusion to which Mirza Sami Khan,
in a letter to Alladad Khan, the chief of Tak,
who had succeeded his late father, Sirwar Khan,
remarked, that Air. Harlan had used many sweet
words, but that he was aware that Feringhis were
like trees, full of leaves, but bearing no fruit,—
an allusion so happy that he sent a copy of the
letter to me, if not for my instruction, possibly
for that of the political agent at Ludiana. Mr.
Harlan, after witnessing a review 'of the army
at Ghagari, was, no doubt, glad to receive permis-
sion to pass over to the Sikh camp, from whence
he had come. .

In the passage through the defiles of Khaibar
many of the maleks, or petty chiefs of Peshawei-,
who had been caressed, and appointed to lucra-

VOL. III. * z

A TRUCE EFFECTED,

tive oflfices by the Sikbs, forsook them, and re-
to the amir, excusing their defection on
the plea of religious zeal. The amir, with
host, finally encamped at Shekhan, in the
of Peshawer, resting on the skirts of the Kha
hills.

Ranjit Singh, it is supposed, was not inclined
to believe that the amir would venture to lead
is forces into the plain, and, apparently under
this belief, although he had left Lahore, seemed
to loiter in the country east of the Indus. The
tidings that the Afghans had actually encamped
taken up position at Shekhan, made the
hdraja accelerate his movements, and he despatched
peremptory orders to his sirdars at Peshawer to
avoid a general action, and await his arrival.

In consequence of such oi'ders, the Sikhs re-
newed negotiations to amuse the amir until the
Maharaja appeared. The nawdb and one
Huss6n were diplomatists on the part of the Af-
ghans ; the latter commissioned to watch the con-
of the former, justly suspected by the
Ag^ Hussen, however, did more, and aflSrming
that he had a complete ascendency over the amir,
received three thousand rupees, promising to pre-
upon him to return to Kibal.

At length Sultan Mahomed Khan proceeded
the Sikh camp, where he remained for some
time, and through his instrumentality a truce was
until the arrival of the M

339

GflAZIS ATTACK THE SIKHS.

The ex-ehief, it is fair to obserTe, bad proposed
perfect reconciliation to bis brother, provided be
would affix his seal to a bond, and engage to make
over Peshawer to him, whether recovered by force
of arms or by negotiation. The amir refused,
acknowledging that he intended to give Peshawer
to his own son, Mahomed Akbar KhAn. Sultan
Maliomed Khan then demanded the promise of
Jelalabad, which was alike denied. Without hope,

■ therefore, from the justice or generosity of his
brother, he considered himself free to further his
own interests in any mode and in any quarter.

The amir, conscious of the evil likely to arise
from the presence of his brother in the hostile
camp, in despite of the existing truce, secretly
encouraged his Ghazis to attack the Sikhs, dis-
honestly hoping thereby to endanger him. Be-
tween the Afghan and Sikh armies were nume-
rous ravines, and the inequality of surface was
favourable to the approaches of the Ghazis, and
sheltered them from the fire of artillery, so much
dreaded. They made several desultory attacks, and
even two rather serious ones upon their infidel ene-
mies, and brought some , heads into camp, together
with plunder from tents. They were probably
indebted to the orders of the Maharaja, which
reduced the Sikhs to the necessity of awaiting
assault, and then merely to stand on the defen-
sive. Ph Mahomed Khan on these occasions was,
or feigned to be, in gi*eat agony. He presented

340 AFGHAN COUNCILS AT VARIANCE. ^

himself to the amir, and drawing his dagger, threat-
ened to plunge it into his own breast, denouncing
the baseness pf exciting the Ghazis to action, with
the desire^ that his brother might be put to death
in retaliation. The amir protested that he could
not restrain the ardour of his Ghazis, affected to

■ C

order that they should not violate the truce, and
again encouraged them to do so, and to help them-
selves to the golden ornaments of the infidels.
It was the custom daily to send out a kai'owal, or
advanced guard, commanded by one of the princi-
pal chiefs ; and when it was Pir Mahomed Khan’s
tour of duty the amir made such demonstrations
as engaged the attention of the Sikhs, and ulti-
mately committed the karowal in conflict. Pir
Mahomed Khdn was a brave soldier, and creditably
acquitted himself ; but, in receiving the congra-
tulations of the amir, he did not forget to inveigh
against the atrocity of the scoundrel.

The Afghan councils were strangely discordant.
Mii’za Sami Khan constantly advocated battle, and
he was supported by the amir’s eldest son, Ma-
homed Afzil Khan, Hdji Khan, and others. Haji
Khan consistently proposed a variety of schemes,
and wished, with the cavalry of the army, to de-
scribe a chirk, or circle, and to intercept the Maha-
raja between Atak and Peshawer. Abdul Samad
professed an irresistible desire to combat, and only
demanded that his foe, M. Avitabile, should be

, — . . _ ^

The nawab and his party insisted that it was useless
to contend against the superiority of the Sikhs, and
the amir, whatever his boasts, showed that he fel
the same.

There are some •who think that, had the
brought on an engagement, the occasion was not
unfavourable, and that it was possible he might
have dispersed one or two of the Sikh camps, as,
while the sirdars individually would not obey the
orders of any one but the Mahardja, there was a
doubt whether, if attacked, they would have assisted
each other.

The veteran ruler of Lahore at length appeared
in camp, and his presence diffused confidence
amongst his troops, and unanimity amongst his
sirdars. Di^rder and confusion were converted, as
if by magic, into order and regularity, and the energy
inspiring the bosom of the chief was communicated
to those under his command. An immediate change
was directed in the disposition of the army, hitherto
dispersed about the village of Sudani. The camp
nearest to the Afghans remained stationary, to dis-
guise the contemplated movements, while upon it
the rest of the army formed in the shape of a semi-
circle, completely enveloping the Afghan position.
The Sikh forces were classed into five camps, their
fronts protected by ai'tillery ; behind it were sta-

342 MISSION TO AFGHAN CAMP.

tioned the regular infantry, of which thirty-five
battalions were present, and again behind them
were the various masses of cavalry.

While arranging his troops for attack, the Maha-
raja deputed, in company with Sultan Mahomed
Khan, Faquir Azzlzaldin and Mr. Harlan to the
amir’s camp, with instructions "to prevail upon him
to retire, and to bring Sultan Mahomed Khan
back with them. ^Vhile the envoys were still
urging their suit the amir became informed that
his camp was surrounded, and that but one of two
alternatives remained to him, to fight, or to retreat
vrithout loss of time. He was confounded for the
moment. He clearly saw that his enterprise had
failed, and that his vigorous antagonist had deter-
mined to bring matters to a prompt issue. To
engage had perhaps never been his purpose; he
was conscious of his inferiority ; and when he rea-
soned, that, by remaining on the ground he- at
present occupied he ran the chance of losing his
guns, munition, stores, and equipage, when he would
be reduced to the level of Jabar Khan, Mdhomed
Zem^ Khan, or any other of his relatives, he at
once determined to retire, while the opportunity
permitted. Of course he consulted in his dilemma
with his confidential minister, Mirza Sami Kh^,
and with one or other of them originated the inge-
nious idea of carrying olF with them Ranjit Singh’s
envoys, Faquir Azzlzaldin and Mr. Harlan. It was
conceited, that the old Sikh chief could scarcely

SIKH ENVOYS MADE OVER.

exist without the faquir, who officiated as his
physician, prepared his drams, and was absolutely
necessary to him. It was hoped that Ranjit Singh
would be obliged to cede Peshawer in exchange
for the indispensable faquir, or that, at least, a
good round sum would be gained as ransom. Re-
solved to act upon suggestion so admirable, it
occurred that a degree of odium might attach to
a violation of the respect which amongst Afghans,
as amongst all other nations, is conceded to the
persons of envoys. The tact of one or the other
proposed a means of obviating this difficulty, as
I'cgarded themselves, and it w'as agi-eed to criminate
Sultan Mahomed Khan. That sirdar was accord-
ingly sent for, and the amir, exchanging oaths on
the Koran, informed him of what was meditated, and
expressed his wishes that, as the elchis came to the
camp in his company, so he should carry them off,
when everything they w^anted would be obtained.
Sultdn Mahomed Khan, who at once perceived that
the amir’s object was to gain his point at the expense
of his own reputation, and irreparably to ruin him
in the estimation of the Sikh ruler, feigned ex-
ceedingly to approve the plan, promised entire
compliance, and took all the oaths on the Kor^
required of him, considering them, made under
such circumstances, as invalid. The amir summoned
the envoys to his jiresence, and coarsely reproached
and reviled them, — foul language with Afghans
being the preliminary step^when more violent mea-

344 RETREAT OF THE AMIR.

sures are contemplated. He made them over to
the charge of Sultdn Mahomed Khan.

Dost Mahomed Khdn had too much experience
in Afghan camps not to know that an orderly
treat is almost an -impossibility. He did, however,
his best to obviate confusion, but could not prevent
the greater part of the arm^ bazar from
plundered by his GhSzis, now become a disorganized
mass, and formidable only to their quondam friends.
The regular troops were drawn up in line,
the artillery and camp-equipage was borne off,
when it had entered the defiles of Khaibar they
retrograded and closed upon the rear. It was even-
ing when the retreat was effected, and it had
come dark when the amir reached the heights of
Ghagari, within the Khaibar hills. There his
were assailed by the reports of the Sikh
discharged in triumph at his flight, just made known
them. He turned round, and looking to
Peshawer, uttered an obscene oath, and said,
you kdfrs, I have taken you in !” referring to
of the faquir and Mr. Harlan, who, as
supposed, were in custody of Sultfin Mahomed Kh^
in the rear.

The latter sirdar, penetrating the evil intentions
of his brother, and seeing an opportunity of recom-
mending himself to the favour of Ranjit Singh,
in place of canying off the envoys, escoi’ted them
towards their own camp, and having placed them
beyond danger, retired to Minchini, north of

CONDUCT OF THE AMIR. 346

great river, there to await the decisions of the
Maharaja.

It should have been explained, that the reasons
for making free with the persons of the envoys,
as advanced by the amir, were, that they should
be detained as hostages for the fulfilment of the
terms they proposed, w'hich were, that the amir
should retire, and that half the territory of Pesha-
wer should be I'estored to Sultan Mahomed Khan.
As the amir saw no chance of obtaining the coun-
try for himself, he aifected to consent to this ar-
rangenient, but next demanded some ratification,
or some proof of the Maharaja’s liberality towards
himself, and representing that he had been put to
great expense in putting forth the expedition, sug-
gested that it would only be considerate to give
him a few Idkhs of rupees by way of nall-bandi,
literally, to piy the charges of shoeing his horses.
He protested that he had not come to make war
with the Maharaja, whom he revered as a father,
but to make peace. The faquirs promised that
the request should be considered by the Maharaja,
and the amir observed, that the claim was then
admitted, and that the elchis should remain with
him until it was adjusted, and until Peshawer had
been made over to his brother. The faquir urged
that it was necessary he should return to the
Maharaja to apprise him that his propositions had
been accepted, and of the claim for nall-bandi now
advanced by the amir. The latter replied, it was

346 SULTAN MAHOMED KHAN MISSED.

unnecessary, as all could be done by a short letter.
Finally, when the faquir was weary of offering-
argument in vain, and hinted at the indelicacy and
impropriety of the step the amir seemed to inti-
mate he had decided upon, he was told that the
Sikhs were kafrs, and unlike any other people,
as they were breakers of oaths and treaties, there-
fore anything was fair in dealing with them or
with the agents employed by them, although it
would not be fair with other people. The amir’s
march from Shekhan was continued to Jabarghi,
and in the morning he sent to enquire where
Sidt&n Mahomed Khan was located, not doubting
but that, with his prisoners, he w'as in camp. The
sirdar was not to be found ; still the search was
continued until about noon, when a courier was
announced from Sultan Mahomed Khan. The
man produced a letter, addressed to tlie amir, which
commenced with the most violent abuse, and after
calling the amir everything that was bad, required
that he would instantly dismiss his brother, Pir
Mahomed Khan, wdth his naib, Hdji Khan, and
restore all the guns, muskets, and other articles
of which the amir had robbed hini. Another
letter, addressed to Pir hlahomed Khan, informed
him that it had come to his (Sultan Mahomed
Khan’s) knowledge that the amir had concerted
to blind him, and that to preserve his eyes he had
been compelled to retire. The amir and Mirza
Sami Khan were excessively chagrined and mor-

THE AMIR AT KABAL. 347

tified, having, besides the failui’e of their schemes,
been duj)ed by Sultan Mahomed Khan, while they
were exposed to odium and ridicule. Indeed, many
of those who heard the letter read were obliged
to retire from the amir’s presence that they might
indulge in laughter unrestrained.

The amir had been particularly anxious to
preserve the army entire, that he might boast of
having retreated with honoui*, but his utmost efforts
. could not keep it together. It broke up and dis-
persed. He had wished to have inspected it at
Daka, , but as this was impossible he purposed to
assemble it at Jelalabad, and despatched a small
guard of horse to Stirkh Pul with orders to turn
back any fugitives from the army seeking to reach
Kabal. The first strong body that anaved at Surkh
Pul overpowered the guard, and plundered it of
horses, arms, -cand accoutrements. The amir, in
disgust, made no farther attemj3t to restrain the
flight of his men, and eventually reached Kabal
privately by night. For some three or four days
he would admit no one to his presence ; it was
supposed that he felt ashamed. Mirza Sami Khan
in like manner secluded himself, reviled the amir
for not having fought as he counselled him, broke
his kalam-dan, or pen-and-ink case, the badge of
his office, and vowed that he would have nothin^'

farther to do with state-affairs. That the amir
had acted injudiciously in originating the contest
so ingloriously concluded, there can be little doubt.

348 EVILS OF INJUDICIOUS POLICY.

He had engaged, vdthout allies or resources, in a
struggle to which he was unequal, and the conse-
quences of his failure proved a fertile source of
subsequent 'embarrassment to him, while he had
thrown ^tway the advantages he possessed, and
those which he might have derived from his victory
over Shah Stijah al Mulkh. •He had also discovei-
ed that he could not justly calculate upon the
religious ardour of the people, for although large
numbers of Gh^is did join his standard, they were .
not in the countless myriads he expected, and many
of them were from countries independent of his
jurisdiction. Having deceived them, as it were,
in this expedition, he certainly could not expect
that they would attend him on any future oc-
casion.

349

CHAPTER XV.

The Amir’s reproaches. — projects. — State of Kabal. — Intrigues
and plots. — Retrenchments. — Haji Khan’s conversations. — The
Nawab’s irresolution. — Overtures from Ludiana. — Their effect
at Kabal. —-Results. — Dexterity of Sir John Hobhouse. — Vio-
lence of intrigues. — Letter from Captain Wade. — Arrival of
Rashid Akhiindzada. — Proscription lists. — Rashid Akhiindza-
da’s subtlety. — Mirza Sami Khan’s retreat. — Precautions of the
devoted. — Danger of my situation. — Interviews with the Amir.

— Rashid AkhundzMa opposes the Amir’s plans. — Useless
expostulation of the Amir. — Abdulah Khan consigned to plunder.

• — Seizure and spoil of Abdulah Khan. — The Amir’s repentance.

— Restitution of property. — Popular dissatisfaction. — Captain
Wade’s interference. — Resignation of appointment. — Cessions by
Ranjit Singh to Sultiln Mahomed Khan. — Letters from Pesha-
wer,— The Nawab’s willingness to be deceived. — Interview with
the Amir. — Events of 1 836. — Series of intrigues and alarms. —
The Amir’s plans. — Strives to gain over Mdhomed Osman Khan.
— Sudden panic. — Haji Khan’s recommendation. — The Khan
and his Hindu creditors. — The Amir’s financial measures. —
Movements of the Sikhs and of Kamran. — Haji Khan's re-
marks on the times. — Departure of Plr Mahomed Khan.— His
attempted assassination^ — Impediments thrown on liis retreat.
— Letters from India. — Resume duties, — Intercourse between
Kabal and Liidiana. — Renewed commimications with Persia.-—
Haji Ibrahim. — Hiissen Ali. — Ivan Vektavich. — His seizure,
release^ and despatch from Bokhara. — His intentions and asser-
tions. —Abdul Samad's projects. — His influence in the Amir’s
haram. — The Amir’s evasion. — Journey to Tatang,

As soon as the amir recovered sufficient confi-
dence to sit in darbar, there was but one topic

S60

STATE OF KABAL.

on wliicli he indulged, and tliat Avas the treachery
and perfidy of his brothers, and other relatives, Avho,
he said, harl, betrayed him to the Sikhs, and Avoukl
not alloAA; him to fight. He believed, or affected
to believe, that it Avas essential to the success of
his future plans that they should be removed, to-
gether Avith other obnoxious persons ; and the mode
and manner of compassing their degi’adation or
destruction now absorbed his attention. As the
business Avas a serious one, he strove, if not to pro-
cure the sanction of, to palliate his proposed mea-
sures to his brothers, at Kandahar, and they" feign-
ing to acquiesce in the propriety of all he urged,
promised to semf Rashid Akhundzdda to Kabal,
at the due time, to represent themselves, and to
assist and countenance him in the necessary acts
of justice, which he had determined to carry
through. Kdbal was in a cruel state of conster-
nation, as it had been ever since the return of
the amir ; the streets were the theatres of con-
stant conflicts and slaughters, of Avhich no one
seemed to take notice, and the city appeared on
the verge of delapsing into anarchy. The darbrir
of the amir Avas unattended, and the functions of
government seemed to be suspended. The chance
is, had there been a leader upon whom the mass
could have confided, a change in the rule of the
country might easily have been brouglit about.
Various parties applied to the Nawab JaKir Khan,
AAdio, Avliile he listened to eA'^ery one, and expressed

RETRENCHMENTS.

851

himself as dissatisfied as any other pei'son, was de-
terred by indecision of character, or perhaps pru-
dence, from profiting by the opportunity to elevate
himself. A cause of much disquietude and stormy
altercation during this season of plots and alarm
was the necessity the amir found himself under
of reducing his army,* and of providing for the in-
creased numbers now dependent ujmn him, owing
to the breaking-up of the Peshawer darbar and
government. There were many of his Barak Zai
relatives, and many Dfiranis of respectability, as
well as others, who had previously subsisted in tlio
employ of Sultan Mahomed Khan, whoso claims
even the amir did not dispute. The question was,
how to satisfy them. As it was impossible to en-
tertain both his full amount of ancient troops and
these new-comers, he adopted the medium course
of i-ejecting the inefficient, and of i-etaining only
the effective of both classes. So much opposition
was offered that he succeeded but jiartially to
carry his point. But when he called upon his
chiefs to sacrifice a portion of their allowances to
meet the wants of their relatives and friends now
expelled from Peshawer, he was assailed by loudly-
expressed discontent, and amongst the most noisy
and querulous was Plaji Khan, who, if he had not
acquired his former influence, indulged in all his
accustomed freedom of speech.

Pi-evious to starting on the late expedition he
had been questioned as to what was likely to

352 HAJl KHAN’S CONVERSATIONS.

happen, and replied, “ Nothing serious ; hut as long
as the business is about the amir will put his
arms around my neck and cry Hdjl Lala ! what is
to be done ? Haji L&la ! what is to be done ?
When it is over, he will think of nothing else
but, by some pretext or other, to reduce my sti-
pend.” I had visited the klidn in the camp at
Jelalabad, and he asked me what I thought of
pending affairs. I put to him the same question.
He said, it was hardly possible to contend with
the numerous and disciplined troops of the Sikhs ;
that he had recommended the amir to postpone
the expedition until next year. He complained
that the amii- pldfced no trust in any one but his
own sons. All the brothers, he averred, should
have been present ; those at Kandahar were not
inclined to move; while Sultan Mahomed Khan
was at Bajor, everyone knew for avhat purpose.
Had the enemy been Shi^, he said, being still
Mussulmans, there would have been a means of
accommodation with them, as there would had
they been Faringhis, who do not trouble them-
selves about the religion of other people ; but
with the Sikhs, unclean infidels, wdio were nei-
ther one thing nor the other, there was no com-
ing to an understanding. He concluded by la-
menting that with such antagonists there was no
room or justification for the exhibition of treason.
The khan, however, proved prophetical, as regarded
the fate which awaited his stipend; but he took the

POPULAR DISSATISFACTION. 353

amir’s resolution in very ill-humour, and was anxi-
ous, by strong language, to have set it aside. One
day he addressed the amir: — “ If I tell you that
you have surpassed your brother, Vazlr Fatl Khan
and Sirdar Mahomed Azem Khan; that: you went
W'ith twenty thousand men, and placed yourself in
front of seventy thousand Sikhs, that you dis-
charged your guns upon them, that you fought
them, and brought their heads into your camp, —
then you are angry. If I tell you, that you went
and showed them your nakedness, and sneaked off, —
then you are angry ; there is no saying anything to
please you.” The amir put his turban on tlie ground
before Hajl Klifin, and conjured Jiim to have pity,
remarking, “ You know what I was when you first
became acquainted with me ift the vazli-’s camp.”
The reduction of alloAvances being general, the bulk
of those affected by it wished to have broken out
into rebellion, and were ver)' earnest vith the Na-
w’ab Jabar Khan that he should resist its apjdica-
tion to himself, which they would acce])t as a sig-
nal to unsheath their swords in his support. The
nawab was irresolute; and on the amir opening the
subject to him, yielded at once, and consented to
the diminution of his allowances.

When the wrath of Mlrza Sami Khan liad be-
come a little appeased, and he condescended to
resume the toilsome duties of office, he never
ceased to complain of the neglect shown by the
Sahiban of Hind. About this time I received the

2 A

VOL. HI.

364

LUDIANA OVERTURES.

letter from Gaptaia Wade, of wliicli I have given
extracts in the preceding chapter. In other letters
from the mirzas in attendance upon Abdul Ghiaz
Khfm, the "same officer had explained in detail
the steps do be taken to bring about a commercial
treaty. I could not but remark, that such informa-
tion was conveyed through uuqifficial channels; still,
as communicating the wish of the government, I
had only to support it to the extent of my power.
It was • understood that Shah Sujah al Mulkh, on
his return to Lddimia, had not for some time been
favoured by a visit from the political agent, who

reproached the unlucky monarch for having made
him a daroghghwi, or liar, to his government ; and
it may have been supposed, that owing to that
functionary’s temporary ire Dost Mahomed Khan
was indebted for the present overtures. I had
conferences with the nawab and Miri^ja Sami Khan
on the subject, and enforced the propriety of doing
everything that Captain Wade seemed to intimate
and desire, and after much delay answers were
sent. There was a struggle between the nawdb
and Mirza Sami Khan as to which of them should
be deputed to Ludiana to arrange the treaty, the
former considering he was entitled to be so honour-
ed, and the latter deeming himself to be the fit
person on account of his enjoying the amir’s con-
fidence. These differences were unfortunate, as
both parties had been given to understand that
it was Captain Wade’s wish to be invited to Kfibal

COMMERCIAL TREATIES. 355

Minself, and I considered this so very likely that
I regretted my inability to persuade them simply
to express their entire concurrence as to the ad-
vantages of the proposed arrangements, and to
leave the ulterior steps to the pleasure** and dis-
cretion of the political agent. Mirza Sami Khan
addressed a letter to» CaiJtain Wade, in which he
expressed his great desire to see him, which, how-
ever, could not be gratified without an intimation
from Ludiana. I susj^ected this w’ould jmove fatal
to the commercial treaty, and eventually a letter
was r§ceived in reply, noting that however great
the mirza’s desire might be to see Captain Wade,
it could not exceed that officex*’s desire to see the
mirza ; and nothing farther was heard of the over-
tures for a commercial treaty. The errors of the
Kabal politicians may, however, have benefited
Shah Sujah al Mulkh, for the political agent’s
anger towards him moderated, and at an inter-
view, when the Shah lamented his ill success, he
was soothed, and informed that God would make
all things easy.

It became my duty to report, from the slight
encouragement with which Captain Wade’s over-
tures were received at Kfibal, as well as from the
juggling to which they gave rise, that, in my
opinion, the advantages of a commercial treaty
were not duly appreciated, as well as that the
time was adverse to the consideration of such
matters ; and, singular enough, I see my sentiments

35C

INTRIGUES AT KABAL.

at tins time, 1835, brought forward in a recent
debate in the House of Commons by Sir John
ITobhouse, to justify the aggressive line of policy
adopted in 1838.

The receipt of the letters from Liidiiina did not
affect the active intrigues carried on in Kubal,
which raged with undiminished violence. The na-
Wclbs, and others of the amir’s relatives, were
closely combined; and the Kazilbashes wished to
have made me the medium of opening a corre-
spondence with Ludiana, for the purpose of re-
instating Shc\h Svijah al Mhlkh. T, of coui;ge, de-
clined to become the medium, and even to see
their principals, as had been washed. These jreople
•were anxious to have begun the business without
reference to the nawhb, and only asked my coun-
tenance. I necessarily was unable to respond to
so much zeal. I, however, apprised the nawab
of part of what had been proposed, and he prayed
me to say nothing wdiieh might damp the effer-
vescence. The audacious Abdiil Samad, by a per-
son in his confidence, offered to seize the amir
and to proclaim the shah, provided I gave my
assent. The amir’s eldest son, in close alliance
with the nawhbs and their faction, swore the amir
was not his father, and stigmatized him as some-
thing worse than a knave. Pir Mahomed Xvhan,
with Haji Khdn, w'ere inclined to the most des-
perate measures, and constantly upbraided the na-
wab for his dilatoriness.

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS.

357

In tliese troubled times, when the slightest
movement would have involved the country in
anarchy, I preserved the same steady course, yet,
as in duty bound, reported circumstances as they
arose and came to my knowledge, to Captain Wade ;
and the notice he took of them will be seen by
the following extracts from his letters at this
period : —

Luduina, ^ 5th July, 1835.

“ T have to thank you for the zealous attention
which you continue to evince in the discharge of
the duties that have been imposed on you. I am
well aware of the difficulty which you must some-
times experience in encountering the intrigues that
at present prevail in Kdbal, and in conciliating the
good-will of the different parties who are now con-
tending for the gratification of their own views
and interests at that place, but my confidence in
your discernment assures me that you will be able
to meet any contingencies that may arise Avith abi-
lity and discretion, and in a manner best calculated
to secure the reputation, and promote the ackiuns-
ledged 'designs of our government, in opening the
navigation of the Indus. It will be a pleasing-
office to me to bring your services from time to
time to the notice of government, whenever I find
that I can do so with propriety, and I hope they
vdll ultimately reap their full reward.”

In the same letter the replies from Kabul, re-

• * I

358 EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS.

ferring to the commercial overtures, are alluded
to. “ By the present opportunity I have the plea-
sure to send you the letter which you wished me
to write to Dost Mahomed Khan, together with
my replies to two letters addressed to me by Mirza
Abdul Sami Khan and Mirza Rajab Ali, which
I have left open for your perusal. Copies of two
letters sent to the amir and his brother, are like-
wise enclosed for your information. My letters to
the two mirzas are merely in reply to letters re-
ceived from them, of the contents of which I con-
clude you are aware. It is not consistent with
the usage of our government, whatever it may
be of theirs, for its officers to coiTespond with
people in the relative situation which they hold
to their chiefs. The chiefs themselves, too, are
in the habit of writing to the head of our govern-
ment, with a frequency which is eibbarra^ssing to
government, when it cannot respond to their letters
in a tone agreeable to their expectations and
wishes ; and I approve of the discretion which you
have used in discouraging the transmission of let-
ters which appeared to you to be objectionable in
principle.” And again: “The present crisis of affaii'S
in Kdbal is a highly interesting one. I heartily
hope with you that it may eventually tend to place
our relations with that country on a better footing
than they are at present. The means are equally,
if not more, in the hands of the Barak Zais than
our own, but as the different parties concerned

PROSCRIPTION LISTS.

359

refer the consideration of their conflicting views
to me, and I have no authority to favour one more
than another, it is diflicult for me to express any
opinion as to the course which they ought respec-
tively to take, that is not authorized in some mea-
sure by the communications vrhich I receive from
government. In the^case of Sh4h Sujah’s last ex-
pedition, I was obliged to reply to similar appeals
by observing, that the Barak Zais ought to be the
. best judges of what consisted with their own wel-
fare ; and I do not feel entitled to deviate from
that expression on the present occasion, though
I deem it my duty to communicate everything that
you report, for the information of government.”

I shall not comment on these extracts farther
than to observe, that there is no longer any allusion
to commercial overtures, and that, as before ex-
plained, the political agent’s intercourse with ShSh
Siijah al Mulkh had been renewed.

Captain Wade had justly described the crisis of
affairs in Kabal as a highly intei’esting one, l)ut
it had not yet arrived at maturity. Ilashid Ak-
hilindzada, as agent to the brother-chiefs of Kan-
dahar, reached the city, and we had to look for
the development of the projects wdiich the amir
and his adviser Mirza Sami Kh^n had concerted.
The Akhundzada pretended perfect acquiescence,
but was instructed by his employers to counteract
the amir’s plans. Lists of the proscribed were
draw’u up. The first comprised twelve names of

’ * f

360 SUBTLETY OF AKIlUNDZADA.

tlie amir’s relatives and other principal men. The
second contained about one hundred names of [ler-
sons of minor consideration, and of all classes and
descriptions, but who, being supposed to possess
wealth, \v%-e deemed fit objects for plunder and
slaughter. Rashid Akhuudzada cleverly performed
his part. He simulated entire ap[)roval and com-
pliance with everything the amir proposed, won
his confidence, and became entrusted with all his
secrets. The Akhiindzada had, however, due at-
tention to his own profit in the delicate business,
and while assiduous in cultivating the good graces
of the amir, he was in constant communication
with those of the adverse and devoted faction,
who strove, by valuable presents, to secure his fa-
vour. He alternately soothed and excited their
alarms, but never alloAviog their ajiprehensions
wholly to subside, conti’ived to keej) -them in that
state of incertitude and uneasiness which preserved
unimpaired his importance to them, and induced
the necessity for them to be very liberal, and to
be unable to refuse anything which he desired or
coveted. The K&ndahar agent, a shrewnl man, was
so avaricious that it has been remarked of him,
that were he placed in a naked room, rather than
leave it without taking something away he wo\ild
scrape off the plaster from the walls, (hi this
occasion there can be no doubt but that he greatly
enriched himself at the expense of those whom
the amir had consigned to destruction.

PRECAUTIONS OF THE DEVOTED. 361

^ for the general seizure was finally fixed ;
the crafty Mirza SamiKhfin having arranged every-
thing, so that, as he imagined, it only remained to
act, withdrew himself to the Koh Daman, on pre-
tence of looking after his villages, hut" in reality
to put himself out of the way, that he might here-
after assert that all had been done without his
sanction or knowledge ; and that, in case of fi^ilure,
he might return to the city with good grace as
a mediator. The amir could scarcely have been
ignorant that his designs had become matter of
notoriety. Copies of his lists were in possession of
many. The Nawab Jabar Khan, moreover, had
openly taxed him with his dark intentions in darbar,
and upon his denial had given up his sources of
intelligence, which a little confounded him. Sup-
ported, as he conceived, by Rashid Akhiindzada, he
determined to work out his plans. The individuals
exposed to danger did not neglect their precau-
tions. They kept their retainers under arms night
and day, and took especial care not to call upon
the amir together, that they might not be seized in
amass; also, when they did attend they were nu-
merously accompanied by armed followers. In this
unpleasant state of affairs my house in the Balia
Hissar was assaulted for five successive niglits by
bands of muffled villains. I quietly filled my house
with armed men, and without takiiig farther notice,
y/ bided in tranquillity the course of events. It is just
to observe, that I did not so much suspect the amir,

•if

362 DANGER OF MY SITUATION.

however capable he was of any enormity, as I did
the unprincipled Abdul Samad, and others. This man
had been desirous of forming an acquaintance with
me. Seeing no possible benefit likely to arise from
intercourse with such an individual, I declined to
have anything to do with him, but however civilly
I excused myself he was not the less olfended.
Now that he might reasonably calculate upon a
period of anarchy and confusion, I supposed he
considered the occasion favourable to destroy me,
assured that at such a time there would be little
inquiry or calling to account. In this conjuncture
Fati Mahomed Khan, Popal Zai, himself one of
the proscribed, represented to the Nawab Jabar
Khtin the peril which menaced me in the Balia
Ilissar, and the nawab promised to send for me
on the morrow. He was too much occupied with
his own cares and apprehensions to4hink of me,
and forgot to do so. I had decided not to shift
my quarters, so the nawab’s omission was unimpor-
tant. Until this year, although I had lived in the
country since the spring of 1832, I had never called
upon the amm, as I had nothing to say to, or to
do with him, and so far as I knew, while aware of
my presence, he did not concern himself about me.
1 had become intimate with his eldest sons, and
of this circumstance, most likely, he was informed.
Subsequent to my appointment, he had sent for
me twice, and, to judge from the evidence of his
language, for the express purpose of intimidating

OPPOSITION TO THE AMIR.

and insulting me. I did not allow myself to be put
down, and answered him in a tone similar to that
in which he addressed me. At length the even-
ing came when Dost Mahomed Khhn proposed,
the following morning, to put into execution his
long-cherished and cogitated plans of blood and
plunder. He fancied himself about to be elevated
above the treachery of his relatives and their ad-
herents, while treasures w'ere about to flow into
his coflers which would enable him to wage eternal
crusades and warfare with the Sikhs, and other in-
fidels, He sat meditating on his fell purpose, await-
ing Rashid Akhiindzada, when that important per-
sonage made his appearance. With a countenance
full of dismay, he announced that all had transpired,
and plainly told the amir, that he must not think
of putting his designs into effect, for he had just
left the naw-abs and their confederates, who had
exchanged oaths, and sworn to repel force by force.
The amir was sorely incensed, but tlie Akhundzada
pressed his point, insisting that violence must not
be thought of, or ruin would follow. Their con-
versation grew very animated, but the amir saw
that he had been foiled, and understood on whose
side the Akhundzada had ranged himself, while, left
as it were alone, he had not even Mirza Sami Klnm
to consult. He asked the Akhundzada why he had
come from Kandahar to deceive him and to over-
throw his plans. This question brought on a dis-
cussion, which closed by the amir receiving per-

366

EMBARRASSMENTS.

■with Kamran no one believed, and it was deemed
absurd to expect money from a man w'ho had been
subjected to spoil but the preceding year by his
employers at 'Kandahar.

At an early period of my antiquarian researches
I had, through the medium of Colonel, now Sir
Jlenry Pottinger, made proposals to the Bombay
' government, over which the Earl of Clare then
presided, and they were favourably received. I
had subsequently the satisfaction of receiving the
assurance that my labours were appreciated, a valu-
able testimony, because I felt that it would not
be given unless judged to be merited. Captain
Wade, aware of this connexion, on requesting me
to correspond with him, and before I received
notice of the appointment as agent, had, on the
6th of December, 1834, in allusion thereto, accu-
rately described it as “ one of a scientific nature,”
and properly continued, “and will not, of course,
interfere with the connexion which you have formed
with me, as such a collision might prove embaiunss-
ing to all parties.” So soon, however, as the duties
of agent were, to use Captain Wade’s appropriate
term, “imposed” on me, and he considered me
well within his grasp, I found that it was plainly
his intention to interfere, and that he was very
careless as to producing the collision and embar-
rassment he had formerly deprecated. From the
correspondence which ultimately became revealed,
as well as from other - sources, I observed wdth

RANJIT SINGH GIVES UP PESHAWER. 367

regret that he was abetted by the then Mr. Se-
cretary Macnaghten, and that he had succeeded
temporarily to embroil me with Colonel Pottin-
ger and with the Bombay government, who ho-
nourably supported their own officer. '’I saw no
alternative, therefore, but to tender the resignation
of an appointment which was made instrumental in
promoting strife and mischief, and did so with
one hand while with the other I forwarded a full
explanation to Colonel Pottinger. I now felt my-
self at liberty, as winter had set in, to retire from
Kdbal ; and leaving behind its politics and in-
trigues, repaired to the milder and serener atmo-
sphere of Tatang.

I was not so easy in mind as to resume old
pursuits with any pleasure, and did little moi'e
than while away the winter months. About this
time Ranjit „Singh, finding that the occupation
of Peshawer was not only expensive but even
difficult — although on the retreat of the amir a
fortress of considerable strength had been ei-cctcd
on the site of the old citadel, and other foi-ts had
been constructed in the country, — thought pru<lent
to secure the services of Sultan Mahomed Khan
by giving to him Hashtnagar, and the Dofiboh,
north of the K^bal river, with the southern dis-
tricts of Kohfit and Hangti, which his troops could
not well hold ; and this prudential act gave him
an opportunity of boasting that he had fulfilled
his arrangements with Dost Mahomed Khan.

3G8 interview WITH THE AMIR.

SiHtiin Mahomed Khan’s arriTal at Pesliawer
^vas followed by the despatch of numerous vaunt-
in letters to his brother and relatives at Ka.bal,

and they attahhed more than due credit to them foi‘
the time. "^The Nawab Jabar Khan Avas so assured
that Sultan Mahomed Khan was in a condition
to act oifensively that he net only entirely fell
in with his supposed vieAvs, but rejected the sum-
mons of the amir to return to Kabal. Tt was to
no purpose I pointed out that he was in error :
he was unwilling to dismiss an illusion 'so agree-
able to his wishes. Orders after order’s came from
Dost Mahomed Khan, still the nawiib prolonged
his stay ; and finally, wiien he could not bring
himself to obey them, he despatched his fimiily,
and I availed myself of their company to the city,
and again found myself in my old quarters.

The amir had naturally kept him,self informed
of my movements and actions ; and he appeared
more satisfied than formerly as to my intentions.
I had an interview with him shortly after my re-
turn ; and he chose to be civil, remarking, that I
ought to call upon him, as we w’ere neighbours,
and it w’as only seemly that one neighbour should
enquire occasionally after another ; and prolrably,
in consequence of my liaAing combated the muvalr’s
inclinations in favour of S61t;\n Miihomed Khan,
would frequently obseiwe, that I was at least not
his enemy, and, moreover, listened approvingly to

PLANS OF THE AMIR. 369

the praises which many in the darbar now ven-
tured to bestow upon me.

It is needless to detail the political events of
this year ( 1836 ), as they would principally turn
upon the abortive attempts of the amir to dissipate
the confederacy of his relatives, and their measures
to counteract him. . Generally, they would prac-
tise upon his fears, which were easily excited ;
and the stratagem sufficed to divert his atteiition
from them to other objects. The iwesence of
Sultan Mahomed Khan at Peshawer enabled them
to procure an abundance of eloquent epistles suit-
able to their views ; and when they wanted these
it was easy to forge them ; and his brother, Pir Ma-
homed Khan, provided with his seal, could readily
affix it and make them sufficiently authentic. It
must be acknowledged that the amir was not
suffered to remain in repose. If disposed to be
tranquil, Pir Mahomed Khan would present him-
self with a letter, said to have been just received
from his brother, and addressed to himself or to
his mother. Prefacing the delivery by protest-
ing that he was Ijound to produce any commu-
nication from that quarter, and of course that
he was not answerable for its contents, the letter
on being read would be full of the most oppro-
brious terms and menaces, and consequently ex-
tremely irritate the amir. The latter had been
anxious to have carried into execution the dark
plans of last year, and was desirous of doing the

370

PANIC OF THE AMIE.

business himself, without trusting to Rashid Ak-
hiindzada or others. His doubts, however, as to
the results led him to endeavour to detach -some
of the confederacy, and he selected Milhoined Os-
mmr Khdn as one likely to be worked upon.
When he thought him sufficiently prepared, he
divulged his intentions, and, said, “ Let us take
a knife, and cut through the flesh of our arms
to the bone ; and when Ave have mangled and
mutilated ourselves, no one can reproach us with
mangling and mutilating others.” Mahomed Os-
man Khdn reported to his friends all that passed,
and returned to the amir to listen to fresh inti-
mations of his designs. I do not think there
was much reason for apprehension this year; but
on a sudden the amir was overwhelmed with
letters from various persons, announcing that Sul-
tan Mahomed Khan, with a large fgree, Avas sta-
tioned in Bajor, ready to descend upon the valley
of Jelalabdd. All who were in the seci’et ex-
claimed, “ Good heavens ! what are you about ?
why sleep when the enemy is at your doors?”
The business was so Avell managed that the amir
was panic-struck, and although he could not com-
prehend the danger, feared it. He inquired what
was to be done? Haji Khan replied, that troops
must instantly be despatched to secui'e the })asses
leading from Bajor and Peshawer to Jelalabad.
The amir asked who would go ? The khan replied,
that he would, and that Abdul Saroad should be

HAJI KHAN AND THE HINDUS.

371

sent to Khonar. Haji KhAn ordered his pesh-
kh^na to Siah Sang, where it remained for a
month, and was then silently withdrawn. A con-
siderable degree of ridicule was cau'sed by the
manoeuvres put into play on this occasion; and
they were never clearly understood, for it soon
became known that Sultan Mahomed Khan had
never quitted Peshawer. Had the amir dispei'sed
his troops, and deprived himself of his battalion,
he would have been left alone in Kabal at the
mercy of his adversaries, — a position in which they
might have been pleased to see him, but one into
which he w^as too wary to place himself. He
probably discovered the futility of attempting to
involve the whole of his obnoxious relatives in
destruction by a cowp de main^ and henceforth his
policy led him to essay their subvereion by attacking
them singly, ,

Haji *Kh^, who had been so eager to display
his zeal, availed himself of the opportunity to im-
prove his finances, and called together some Hindus
of the city, to whom collectively he was indebted
seven thousand rupees. They attended with ala-
crity, presuming he intended to settle their accounts
preparatory to entering upon his campaign. He
addressed them in an oration, setting forth, that
he was about to engage in a war with infidels, and
that, adverting to its chances, they all knew how
disgraceful it would be to a Mussulmiin to die in
debt. That he owed them seven thousand rupees,

372 UNPOPULARITY OF THE AMIR.

for which they held hia bonds ; they would coufev
a signal favour upon him, and at the same time
perform a worthy action, if they returned them,
and allowed’ him to go to battle with a clear con-
science. '’He had always been their friend in the
darbar, and they had made large jirofits in their
transactions with him ; and .they ivell knew that
if he returned safe and victorious they would not
be losers by him. He had not a rupee to move
his men from the city, and they would confer an
everlasting favour upon him if they advanced him
two thousand rupees at so important a crisis ; in
doing so, they might expect that' their riches 'W'ould
increase vastly in this world, and they would all
become cows in the woi'ld to come, for so cha-
ritable and generous a deed could not but secure
its due reward. The Hindus were astounded, but
the khan was irresistible, and jirocured the sur-
render of his bonds, with the two thousand rupees,
for which he gave an order for grain on Chahar-
bigh of Lughman.

The large military force the amir deemed it
advisable to keep up, and to which he was in
some measure compelled, pressed heavily upon his
finances, and a multitude of expedients wei’C put
into practice to meet the extraordinary expenses
it involved. No opportunity was neglected of
seizing property, and although a pretext, more or
less valid, was generally urged, extreme dissatisfac-
tion prevailed^ and the popularity of the amir

MOVEMENTS OF THE SIKHS. 373

diminished daily. An effort made to increase the
revenues derived from the Ghilji districts of Ghazni
threw them into insurrection, and the Ghilji dis-
tricts of Kabal wei’e on the verge of revplt for the
same reason. In both instances the amir gained
a trifle, notwithstanding the Ghazni Ghiljis defeat-
ed his troops. In the autumn Mahomed Akbar
Khan marched into Taghow, and after some severe
fighting, in which men of consideration were slain,
possessed himself of the valley. Here also tribute
was enforced. Many of the troops employed in
this eijpeditioii went provided with bar-hts, or orders
for their pay, drawn out in anticipation. Such
orders are described as being on the stag’s antlers,
meaning that the stag must be first caught.

Abroad, while to the east the Sikhs were con-
solidating their power at Peshawer, and extending
their arms and influence on the western banks of
the Indus, now actually occuppng the level country
of Daman, in which formerly only their agents
resided, while they pushed their troops into Band ;
to the west, Shah Kamran demonstrated that he
was able to leave Herat ; and his army spread over
Sfstan, which he rendered tributary. Of all men
living there was no one so dreaded by the Barak
Zais as Shah Kamran. For many years civil
dissensions and intrigues had confined him within
the walls of Herat, and it was supposed that he
would never be competent to leave them. Having
purified his house, agreeably to his own fashion,

374 PIR MAHOMED KHAN’S DEPARTURE.

by murdei’ and banishment, he now appeared in
the field, and but for the views of his minister, Yar
Mahomed Khan, which were opposed to his progress
eastward, ^would veiy probably have possessed him-
self of Kandahar. His movements, liowevor, pre-
vented some contemplated scizui’es at Kabal, Haji
Khan suggesting that the times were critical, and
remarking, with some propriety, that when a man
was abroad who would spare none of them, it
behoved them not to destroy each other.

The close of this year was marked by the depar-
ture from Kfibal of Pir Mahomed Kh4n, half
brother to the amir, and full brother to Sult4n
Mahomed Khan. Of the amir’s relatives he
was the most turbulent, and therefore most appre-
hended. A daring and dcjsperate man, he was
particularly desirous of acting, and the more pru-
dent Nawab, Jabai* Khan, had frequently ^ trouble
to restrain him. He had, besides, money, and was
therefore enabled to keep his troops together', and
of them he had as many as seven hundred, chiefly
Atchak Zais and Ghiljis. The amir, constantly
informed of all his plans — for it was notorious that
his UTiters had been corrupted— thought it necessary
to be rid of him, and had twice sent assassins by
night to his house. They missed Pir M4homed
Khan, but on the first visit carried otF money and
valuables to the amount of twenty-four thousand
rupees, and on the second, to the amount of five
thousand rupees. Complaining to the amir, the

LETTER FROM INDIA.

375

sird^ was jeeringly told, that most likely the
Nawab Jabar Khan had done the evil, as every
one knew he entertained robbers. Matters having
come to this extremity, Pir Mahome'd Khan saw
the necessity of leaving Kabal, and a5“ter much
debate and altercation did so. Many of his fol-
lowers were seduced* by the amir, and remained,
while his eldest son even returned from Bhut
Khak. Orders were sent to the authorities at
JeMlabad to obstruct his passage by evei*y means
short of actual violence ; not to admit him within
the town, and to tamper with his dependents.
Other orders were sent to Khonar, to the Momands,
and to the Khaibaris respectively, instructing them
not to grant a passage through their countries either
to Bajor or to Peshawer. Mhhomed Akbar Khan
precipitately gained Jelalabad from Taghow, where
his brother, Mahomed Haidar Khan, was sent from
Kdbal to replace him, but, in despite of obstacles,
Pir Mahomed Khan, with the remnant of his fol-
lowers, reached Lalpura, whei-e he was met by Amir
Kh^n of Bajor with a good force, and together they
marched into Bajor.

Soon after my return to Kdbal in the spring, I
had received letters from India; among them one
from Mr. Trevelyan, in reply to a communication
I had made containing the reasons which had com-
pelled me to tender the resignation of the appoint-
ment imposed on me. I was recommended to
continue to discharge the duties, and was told.

376

RESUME DUTIES.

“ Your sole duty, is to keep the supreme govern-
ment informed of all that is going on in any of
the countries beyond the Indus, intelligence of
which reaches Kabal, with the addition, whenever
you think' proper to oiFer any, of your own views
and comments upon the particulars communicated
by you. By doing this well, »as jo\i have hitherto
done, you will render an important public service,
and it will always be open to the Governor-general
to employ you in any other way he may think
proper.”

In deference to these sentiments, althougli not
very satisfactory ones, I renewed my correspondence
with Captain Wade, in despite of an official letter
1 received at the same time, with a very obsequious
private one from that officer, and which would have
fully justified me to have declined any farther
intercourse with him, even according -to his patx’on,
the then Mr. Secretary Macnaghten, who, when in-
foi*med of it in 1838, and being told that a friend
of mine had characterized it as an insolent and
imperious letter, remarked, that it merited sevei*er
reprobation.

Dui’ing this year little correspondence took j)lace
between the authorities in Kabal and Lvidiana.
The accession of Sir Charles Metcalfe to the
government in India had produced letters, indeed,
from the amir and nawab Mirza Sami Khfin ; re-
membering that Sir Charles had coi’responded with
the Vazir hati Khan ; but no replies were received.

HUSSEN ALI. 377

the policy of the government being for the mo-
ment opposed to dubious connexions with states
beyond the frontiers ; which events have proved
was the wise policy, since a deviation from it has
produced such signal disaster and disgrace.

It became my duty this year to i-eport the des-
patch of fresh letters* to Persia, which wei*e sent by
H^ji Ibrahim, a brother of Abdiil Samad. This
profligate man had amassed some money, for, be-
sides large allowances, he teafficked, made ducats,
and scrupled at no means of increasing his wealth.
It was a point with him to send it out of the
country, and his bi'other was commissioned to return
to Persia, and to deposit it there. Of course, letters
were procured to the shah, if no other object were
hoped from them, that the importance of Abdiil
Samad might be made known. As the journey
w*as dangerous to the Haji, Hussen Ali, a young
man of the Balia Hissdr, who had more than once
gone as far as Orenburgh, was prevailed upon
to accompany him to Bokhara. I was well ac-
quainted with Hussen Ali, and he took leave of
me j)reviously to his departure, but never mention-
ed that he was charged with letters for the Rus-
sian government, nor did any one suspect that he
was. He had a commission to purchase fui*s for
Abddl Samad, and spontaneously offered to be
useful to me in any way.

At the close of last year letters from Bokhara
had announced the presence there of Ivan Vekta-

378

VEKTAVICH AT BOKHARA.

vich, whose name has since been sufliciently noto-
rious. A merchant of K4bal, then at that place,
noted to his correspontlent that Vektavich had
been arrested as a P&sian spy, when he declared
himself to be a Russian, and was in consequence
released by the Ghosh Begl. Thereupon presuming,
he openly took notes, which being reported to the
amir, that chief proposed to slay him, but the
Ghosh Begi again privately sent him away, with
an escort, to MangkishMk, on the Caspian. Vek-
tavich had requested of the merchant to forward
letters to me, and to Mr. Court at Lahore, but
his sudden departure deprived us of the honour
of his communications. Vektavich gave himself
out as a most important personage, and declared
that Russia, being at ease as regarded Persia and
Turkey, intended to interfere in the affairs of
Central Asia. *

'#1

Vektavich was still in Bokhai'a when Ilaji
lbr£ilm and Hdssen' Ali reached, and the latter
went in his company to MangkishMk. Ilaji Ibra-
him, in a letter from Bokhara, reported the flight
of ITussen Ali, and that he had made off' with a
number of his ducats, and requested his brother
to confiscate his house and property at Kabal.
Abdtil Samad did not do so, and observed, that
Hfissen Ali had gone on his business, or, as w'as
supposed by those who heard him, to buy furs.

In reporting the despatch of letters to Persia
I remai’ked, that it remained with the government

DESIGNS OF ABDUL SAMAD. 379

to consider thevalue to be placed on such communi-
cations, and to treat them lightly or otherwise.
In case they were seriously judged, there were ready
instruments of arresting thd evil, vizi Shah Stijd,h
al Mdlkh at Lddidna, or Shah Kamran, already
in the field. From the tone in which I set forth
the matter, it must bave been clear that my opi-
nion was, that very little notice need be taken of
them.

Amongst the consolatory events of this year,
was the assurance communicated to me, by orders
of the Bombay government, that the vindication,
into which the subtle conduct of the political agent
at Lddlana had forced me, was entirely satisfactory.

I remained this year in Kdbal until its termina-
tion, and should most likely have passed the winter
there, when I became apprised of a circumstance
which induced me to accompany the Nawib Jabar
Khdn to Tatang. The amir’s eldest son, Mahomed
Afzil Khdn, had been appointed to collect the
revenue of Khuram, which for two years had been
neglected, and Abddl Samad, with his battalion,
was commissioned to attend him. This fellow, it
seemed, had urged my seizure upon the amir,
striving to delude him with the notion of finding
twenty thousand rupees in my house. I was un-
conscious of all this, when I received an intimation
from a quarter I was not permitted to suspect,
that it was necessary to be on my guard against
the designs of Abdul Samad. According to the

' I I

380 JOURNEY TO TATANG.

information given, the amir, when the subject
was proposed to him, honourably affirmed that T
M^as his guest. He therefore was not consenting.
Abdul Samad, who possessed a singular influence
with the amir’s most powerful wife, endcavoiu-cd
to obtain her support to the step he recommended;
and from this lady’s control over her husband, if
she really exerted it, I had reason for mistrust.
The day for Abdul Samad’s march drew near,
and he strenuously pressed upon the amir to
proceed to extremity with me, saying, that unless
he did he should not leave Kabal satisfied. . The
amir replied, that he might go with his mind
perfectly at ease, for he should very soon be in-
formed how Masson Sahib had been treated. I
understood that the amir by his answer had evaded
the request, and ridden himself of Abdiil Samad’s
importunity. I, however, informed' the Nawab
Jab& Khan of what I had heard, without niahing
him acquainted with the source of my intelligence,
and he, observing, very truly, that they wm-e all
scoundrels, and not to be trusted, proposed that I
should accompany him to Tatang, to which I agreed ;
and in a day or two after we started.

CHAPTER XVI.

Aggressions of Hari Singh. — Preparations to repel it. — Despatch of
troops to Jelalahad. — Plans of attack. — Attempt to assassinate
the Amir. — Retaliation of Mahomed Akbar Khan. — March into
Khaibar. — Cannonade of Jamrud. — Attack by Hari Singh. — Dis-
comfiture of Afghans. — Battle renewed by Shamsadin Khan. —
Danger of Amir s sons. — Feat of Mahomed Akbar Khan. — Hari
Singh mortally wounded. — Retreat of Sikhs. — Mirza Sami
Khan's prayers. — Death of Hari Singh. — His intrepidity. — Dis-
putes in the Afghan camp.— Altercation between Abdul Sarnad
and Mir Afzil Khan. — Retreat of Afghfin army. — ’Haji Khan's
deeds in the Doabeh. — Lenah Singh's messages. — Haji
Khan's letters to Kdbal. — Contest with Lenah Singh. — Retreat
of Haji Khan. — His suggestions at Jelalab^d. — His treachery.
— Abdul Samad's effrontery.— His degradation and dismissal.—
Interview with the Arnir, — With Mahomed Akbar Khan. —
Mirza Sami Khan's advice.— Correspondence between Sikhs and
Afghans. — Return to Kabal. — Adventure at Jigdillik. — Recep-
,tion of Mdhomed Akbar Khan at Kabal. — Dismissal of Haji
Khan. — His welcome at Kandahar. — His connexion with the
British. — His understanding with Gixlu. — His pursuit of Dost
Mahomed Khdn. — His final disposal.— The Amir's displeasure

with the Ghazni chiefs. — Zerin Khan's remark -Motives of

displeasure. — Removal of Shamsadin Khan — ^Remonstrance of
Kandahar Sirdars — Supposed plans of the Amir.— The Amir's

exultation,

The commencement of the year 1837 was distin-
guished by active preparations on part of the amir

382 aggressions OF HARI SINGH.

to resent the occuiDation of a petty castle at Jamrful,
byHari Singh, the Sikh governor of Peshawei-. The
amir was apprehensive that the step taken by the
Sikhs was a prelude to farther aggressive measures,
and he salv, in the intimidation and submission of
the people of Khaibar, the road laid open to Jehtl-
abad. Jamrud, it may be observed, is at the very
entrance of the defiles of Khaibar. The amir did
not on this occasion himself leave Kabal, but de-
puted his confidential minister, Mlrza Sami Khfin,
to superintend the operations, his son Mahomed
Akbar Khan commanding the troops. It was not
the actual intention of the amir that collision
should take place, but it was judged necessary to
make a display of force, and to secure the Khai-
baris, endangered by the proximity of the Sikhs.
For this purpose Mlrza Sami Khiin was provided
with money, and instructed to an-ange Ahe payment
of annual allowances to their principals. It was also
determined, if possible, to erect a castle and to esta-
blish a gamson in Khaibar. Five of the aralr’s
sons were present with the army collected on this
occasion ; Mahomed Afzil Kluin, Maliomed Akbar
Khan, Mahomed Azem Khan, Mahomed Haidar
Khdn, and Mahomed Akram Khiln. With them
were the Nawabs Jabar Khdn and Mahomed Os-
inAn Khfin, Sujah Dowlah Khan, son of Ijiic Nawiib
Mahomed Zeman Khan, and Shamsadln Khan, the
amir’s nephew. Of the high militai-y chiefs, wm-e
Naib Amir AkhundzAda, Naib Miilla Momind

ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE AMIR. 383

Khan, Mahomed Hussen Khan, Arz Begi, Zerfn
Khin, and Nazir Dildwar. Haji Khan, who had
previously been sent on a mission to Mir Alam
Khan of Bajor, and who had returned reporting
that he had settled everything, was despatched again
in that direction for the purpose of invading, in
conjunction with th^ Bajor and Momand levies,
the districts of the Doabeh, and Hashtnagar, north
of the Kabal river.

No sooner had the preparations to resist Sikh
aggression been determined upon, than it was follow-
ed by one of the usual attempts to remove the amir
by assassination. At midnight some one introduced
himself into the apartment of Ghour Kinchini, one of
the amir’s wives. Not finding him there the assas-
sin went to that occupied by the mother of Mahom-
ed Akbar Khdn. There alike unsuccessful, he found
his way into the chamber of Azziz Khan, Ghilji’s sis-
ter, where Dost Mahomed Khan was sleeping. Foi-
tunately, he was aroused, and calling upon a kaniz, or
slave-girl, to bring a light, the villain made off, con-
triving, however, to carry off some articles of appa-
rel, and six hundred rupees in value of trinkets from
the apartment of Ghour Kinchini. In the morning
the amir consulted with Mirza Sami Khan and
Mulla Momind Khan, and arrested several indivi-
duals of the Balia Hissar, while he removed the
katwal from office. Nothing farther transpired, and
the prisoners were released ; but the amir publicly as-
serted he knew the instigators, and would settle his

384 ATTACK BY HARI SINGH.

accounts with them when the expedition ter-
minated.

Subsequently Sultan Mahomed KhAn complain-
ed that assassins had been sent by Mahomed Akbar
Khan on "'several occasions to Peslutwcr; and it
proved that he had not complained without reason ;
and so closely was he beset that he never moved
abroad but in daylight.

Mirza Sami Khan, with the amir’s sons, marched
into Khaibar, and one circumstance leading to an-
other, they advanced to the castle of Janinid, when
becoming bold by the non-appearance of Hari
Singh, a cannonade was commenced upon one of its
faces. In the course of two or three days the
weak defences of the place were destroyed, and the
Afghans were congratulating themselves on its be-
ing about to fall into their hands when, on the
morning of the 30th April, Hari SingKunexjjectedly
attacked their position, and for the inomenf cai-ricd
all before him.

The divisions of Naib Amir Akhuudzada, IMiilla
Momind Khan, and Zerin Khan were brok(.m and
dispersed, being those upon which the attack bore*,
while their leaders were severally wounded. The
unattacked divisions dispersed and fled, leaving the
amir’s sons, and the Nawib Jabar Khan on the
field, with a few individuals adhering to them. Ma-
homed Haidar Khan, a boy, who had never before
seen battle, retired weeping. Mahomed Afzil Klian,
who, at the . head of two thousand men, was sta-

483

CHAPTER XX.

Progress to Peshdwer. — Captain Burnes summoned to Lahore. —
Letter of Captain Burnes. — Peply of government. — Unsatis-
factory employment. — Letters of Captain Burnes. — Letter of
Mr. Macnaghten. — My recommendations. — Plans of the govern-
ment. — Their development. — Mr. Macnaghten volunteers his
services. — His career and fate. — Jew. — Dr. Lord’s Russian spy.
— Captain Burnes’ representations to Lord Auckland. — Mr.
Colvin’s note. — My submission. — Offensive communications. —
Resignation of service.— Excursion. — Jouimey to Lahore and
Perozpur.— Passage down the river. — Mr. Macnaghten’s letter.
— Interview with Sir Alexander Burnes. — Lord Auckland’s
offers. — Captain Burnes’ insincerity — Dr. Lord’s account. —
Sir Alexander Burnes’ account. — Application of Mr. Macnagh-
ten. — Squabbles.-^ Conclusion.

From Kabal we were escorted to Jelalab^d by
N^ir AH Mabomed, and thence on jalas, or floats,
we descended the river to Peshawer. Here we
were soon after joined by the Kunduz party, and
Captain Burnes received orders to proceed to an
interview with Mr. Secretary Macnaghten, deputed
on a mission to Maharaja Ranjit Singh. It may
have been collected that I was by no means satis-
fied with the relation in which I stood to the
government of India — indeed, on the arrival of Cap-

I 2

484

LETTER OF CAPTAIN BURNES.

tain Bui’iies at KAbal, I represented to liim that I
thought there was no longer occasion for me to con-
tinue in hopeless and unprofitable employment.
He, howevei', had addressed a letter to government
which I nJay be excused inserting, and prayed me
to await the result.

“ Cabool, 9th October, 1837.

“ Sir,

“ Before proceeding further with my communica-
tions on the state of affairs in this quarter, I feel it
a duty incumbent on me to report, for the informa-
tion of the Right Honourable the Governor-general
in Council, the great aid and cordial assistance
which I have derived from Mr. Masson, not only
since my arrival here, but from his constant corre-
spondence since I left Bombay.

“ If I shall be fortunate enough _to merit the
approbation of his lordship in council, for what may
be accomplished here, I feel that I shall owe much
to Mr. Masson, whose high literary attainments,
long residence in this country, and accurate know-
ledge of people and events, afford me, at every
step, the means of coming to a judgment more cor-
rect than, in an abrupt transition to Cabool, 1 could
have possibly formed.

“ I discharge, therefore, a pleasing task, in ac-
knowledging the assistance which I rc-ceive from
Mr. Masson, and while I do so, it is also my duty to
state, that I by no means wish the Right Honour-

GOyERNMENT REPLY.

486

able the Governor-general in council, to consider
Mr. Masson as responsible for the opinions and
views which I may take up and report to govern-
ment.

“ I have the honour to be, sir,

“ Your most obedient humble seiwant.
Signed, • “ Alex. Buenes.

“ On a mission to Cabool.”

To W. H, M‘Naghten, Esq.

Secretary to the Government of India, Fort William.”

This letter was noticed in a despatch from the
secretary, not to Captain Burnes, but to Captain
W ade, in the following manner : —

“ The Governor-general has deidved much satis-
faction from the high testimony borne by yourself
and Captain Burnes, to the praiseworthy manner in
which Mr. Masson has conducted the duties en-
trusted to him, and Captain Burnes will be requested
to furnish to him copies of your letters, and to inti-
mate to that gentleman the high sense which is
entertained by the Governor-general of his faithful
and valuable services.”

As Captain Burnes was now alone, and it was easy
to foresee the mission would be involved in difficulties,
I judged it delicate to remain with him until it was
brought to an end, otherwise I certainly should have
forwarded my resignation at this time. Now that
we had reached Peshawer I again brought the mat-
ter to Captain Burnes’ notice, and he again pi'ayed

486 ANXIETY OF CAPTAIN BURNES.

me to stay there, while he would represent my ease
to Lord Auckland at Simla, and settle everything,
so that I should be compelled to be satisfied, I
consented to remain at Peshawer, because I had no
wish to see any persons belonging to the govern-
ment, for my opinions of many of them had long
been made up ; I also well knew that there were
difficulties which Captain Burnes, perhaps, did not
foresee, but which I suspected W'ere not to be got
over; moreover I had determined on the course
to adopt, simply that of advancing no pretensions,
but if still neglected, and kept in a position where I
could not be useful, to clear myself from embarrass-
ment by quitting a service which had long been dis-
agreeable to me, and which I felt to be dishonour-
able besides.

Captain Burnes had reasonable anxiety that his
conduct in the late mission might be called into
question. The French ofllcers at Peshawer also ex-
pressed solicitude for him. He was soon relieved
from any apprehension on that account.

In a letter from Hassan Avdal of 2nd of Juno, 1838,
he enclosed me one from Mr. Macnaghten, and
wrote, “ I suppose it is a counterpart of my own to
ascertain your sentiments of what is to be done to
counteract the policy of Dost Mahomed Klidn.
They shall have my sentiments sharp enough, and
as for Sikh rule in Cabool it will never do. What
theirs are I do not know, but you may guess from
Wade’s note to me which I enclose. It is unique —

■I

CURIOUS LETTER FROM MR. MACNAGHTEN.

487

Why lie infers you were to stay at Peshawer I know
not.”

On the 4th, or two days after, he wrote from
RAwal Pindi, — “ They wish to have aP, our opinions,
but their determination to act is clear.* I have a
letter by Lord Auckland’s desire from Mr. Colvin
this morning, telling me to repair to Adeena-nag-
gar, where I shall be fully and confidentially in-
formed of his lordship’s views in the pi’esent crisis. I
am also told, that ‘ the Governor-general is quite sa-
tisfied that you have done all that could be done to
ensure success at Cabool, notwithstanding the failure
■of oiir negotiations.’ He (his lordship) is perfectly
assured also, that you will now apply yourself to the
fulfilment of any new part that may be assigned to
you with the same assiduity and ardent zeal which
you have always manifested in the dischai’ge of
public duty.— inference from all this is that Shah
Shoojo’is immediately to be put fortoard.”

The letter of Mr. Macnaghten is much too curious
to be omitted, Captain Wade’s unique note I regret
to have lost, or perhaps I returned it.

Camp in the Panjafo, May 1838.

“ My DEAR Sir,

“ You will have heard that I am proceeding on
a mission to Runjeet Singh ; and as at my interview
with his highness it is probable that the question
of his relations with the Afghans will come on the
tapis, I am naturally desirous of obtaining the

488 MACNAGHTEN’S IGNOEilNCE AS TO HIS MISSION.

opinion of the best-informed men with respect to
them. Would you oblige me, therefore, by stating
what means of counteraction to the policy of Dost
Mahomed Khan you would recommend for adojv
tion, and whether you think that the Sikhs, using
any (and what?) instrument of Afgluin agency, could
establish themselves in Cahoul.^ In giving your opi-
nion as to what should he done in the ])resent crisis,
you will not, of course, view the fpiestion as one
affecting the Sikhs and AfgliAns alone, hut as one
materially connected with our own interests. I
should he glad to he favoured wdth your reply as
soon as convenient. Perhaps you had better direct
it to the care of Captains Wade or Burnes, in the
camp of the Maliarajah.

“ I am, my dear sir,

“ Very truly yours

Signed, “ W. H. Macnagiiten.”

To C. Masson, Esq/*

Mr. Macnagiiten as before noted, had been de-
puted on a mission. It might he supposed from this
letter that he did not know why he had been de-
puted, or farther than he was sent to arrange some-
thing, whatever it might he, at his own discretion.
Lord Auckland’s missions seem to have been much
of the same character.

In reply to Mr. Macnaghten, I deprecated the
extravagant notion of estahlishing the Sikhs in

GOVERNMENT SCHEMES. 489

Kabal, and as the lesser evil recommended the
establishment of Shi\h Stijah al Mulkh, aware that
the government had determined upon action of
some kind, and never dreaming that an anny of
twenty thousand men was to be employed to effect
an object which, could have been readily accom-
plished without a British soldier, simply by sending
the Shah to Peshawer under a proper understanding
with the M^lharaja.

That government at this time contemplated no
employment of its arms, a subsequent letter from
Captain Burnes of 21st of June, may perhaps show.
It was from Lahore, after he had seen Mr. Mac-
naghten. “ Public affairs here are in an advanced
state, and I consider our relations with the Panjab
on the verge of being materially altered, and Shooja
ool Moolk close on ascending the throne of his
ancestors. You may remember the treaty between
the Shuh and Runjeet. That is the base of every-
thing, and it only now' remains to be settled w'hether
he is to go by Peshawer or by Candahar to his
throne. A son at Peshawer to demonstrate there,
and the Shah himself at Shikaiq^ore seems the
favoured scheme here, but this is not yet settled.
The Shah is to have an agent on our part wdth him,
English officers and English money ; but it is not
yet settled if he is to have any of our troops. I am
clear for a reg-iment or two ; but there seems to be
some fear of objections to the thing on the part of

490

THE EXPEDITION DETEEMINED UPON.

Rmijeet Sing. Tlie treaty to bo f<)rnie<l is tri-
partite, and the Sinde orange is to l)e squeezed.
How much I know not, but very much 1 hoj)e.'’

In the sasne letter Captain liurnes wrote, “ I
have had 'the satisfaction of being told that 1 was
sent to do impossibk things at Cabool, so all my
labour that did not succeed^ was not expected to
succeed! Politics are a queer science.”

In a very short time it became developed that
a large armament was to accompany the Shah, and
Sir Henry B'ane was flattered with having the direc-
tion of it, while Captain Burnes was soothed with
the notion of being associated with his excellency
as commissioner. Councils of all kinds were held
at Simla, until the expedition was fairly determined
upon, when Mr. Secretary Macnaghten volunteered
his services for the occasion on the ground that
Captain Burnes could hardly be depe;ided upon in
so important an affair. This was no doitbt true,
although the unfortunate secretary was the last man
in India who should have put himself forward. He
saw I fear the opportunity of gratifying his ajubi-
tion and vanity, and either over-estimated his abi-
lity or fancied that he had an easy tjisk before him.
The retreat of the Persians fi-om Herat, in fact, had
rendered an expedition unnecessary ; but the army
had been assembled, the appointments had been
made, and it was necessai'y the now cuivoy ami
.minister should parade through Afghanistan. 1
need not allude to the subsequent career of that

- THE SUPPOSED RUSSIAN SPY. 491

functionary or to Ms miserable end. It wouM tempt
one to exclaim,

Grand Dieu ! tes jugements sont pleins d^equite.”

I remained at Peshawer throughout the hot and
rainy seasons, in a bad state of health. Major
Tod passed through^ on his journey from ITerat to
Simla, and with him came the Jew described by
Dr. Lord as a Russian spy, and who of course appro-
priately appears in the Afghmi correspondence, pages
18 and 21. This man lived the few days he stayed
at Peshawer at my quarters. A pedlar by trade,
he and his visitors were so noisy in making’ their
bargains that I was obliged on account of my head
to have him removed to the opposite side of the
garden. He had a plan of Jerusalem with him and
I should judge was not perfectly sane. That such a
man could be conceived a Russian spy was certainly
ridicufous. He went tow’ai-ds Kashmir with a kiifila
and I gave him five or ten rupees to help him on
his journey. The French officers assisted him in like
manner. When Captain Burnes saw Lord Auck-
land at Simla he conversed with him on my affairs,
and reported to me the substance of his lordship’s
remarks. They were unmeaning enough, but stated
my services were too valuable to be dispensed with,
while omitting to do what would be only just to
place me in a fair position. Captain Bunies also
stated my claims to assistant’s allowances during the
Kabal mission. His lordship admitted they were

492

MR. COLVIN’S LETTER.

valid, but said the benefit had better be pi-ospective.
Captain Burnes when apprising- me of all this sent
me a note from Mr. Colvin to himselt^ which as he
said would explain itself. “ You may write to Mr.
Masson to say that Ijord Auckland is miUj/ sen-
sible of his merits, and would wish to consult his
convenience and feelings as uuu-h as he with pro- <
priety can. 'While the present crisis lasts, his |
services are too valuable to his country to admit of I
his being detached to a distance. He will remain, ■
probably, so long as the rains last at Pesliawer, but
when the Shah proceeds in force towards Shikarpiir j
he will have to move down to that quarter to join ■
the principal political officer employed. ^Vhen the >
object of the expedition shall have been attained,
Lord Auckland will gladly consider what arrange- ,
ment can be made so as best to meet his views.” \
Most assuredly this communication, did not sa-
tisfy me, for it settled nothing ; however, offered j
no opposition, and expressed to Captain Burnes that '
I was content to go on — resting on the assurance j
he had given me that Dr. Lord, who had been ;
appointed to pi’oeeed to Peshiiwer, was coming to f
relieve me. I had' scarcely signified my consent, '
when I received a letter fi-om [Mr. Secretary Mac- ^
naghten, directing me to forward my correspond-
ence, under cover to Captain Wade. This might
have surprised me for more than one reason, but I ;
had soon more cause for surprise in another let- ;
ter from Mr. Macnaghten, informing me of Dr.

MY RESIGNATION. '

Lord’s mission, and calling upon me to aflord liini
every aid in my power.

I now found that it was Mr. Maenaghten's
pleasure that I should remain at Feshawer, and
that he had set aside the decision* of Lor<l
Auckland and the private secretary. I now ielt
privileged to follow my own inclinations ; I, there-
foi’e, awaited the arrival of Dr. Lord, and did as-
sist him as far as information and counsel could as-
sist such a man — and then forwarded my resignation
to government, in a manner that it might be known
I was in earnest. Released from the thraldom in
which I had been kept since 1835, I then made
an excursion to Shah Baz Ghari in the YusefZai
districts, to recover some Bactro-pali inscri{)tions
on a rock there, and was successful, returning with
both copies and impressions on calico. From Po-
shawer I next crossed the Indus, and proceeded to
Lahore, from whence I reached Ferozpur on the
same day that Lord Auckland crossed the iSatlej on
a visit to Ranjit Singh. I had the satisfaction to bo
again amongst my countrymen in the Bi-itish camp,
where I remained until it broke up, and the army
marched towards Bahdwalpur and Sind, when 1
sailed down the river in the fleet with Sir Henry
Fane.

While at Ferozpiir, I would on no consideration
see any of the politicals, for I was abundantly sur-
feited with them. However, when there I received
the official acceptance of my resignation, which I

494 ACCEPTANCE OF MY RESIGNATION.

introduce here because it lias been latterly put
forth that I was dismissed the service. I did not
take the trouble to contradict the falsehood, — it
was unnecessary.

{Pol. Dept.)

TO C. MASSON, ESCi. i’ESHAW^ER.

“ Sir,

“ I am desired by the Right Honourable
the Governor-general of India, to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter dated the 16th ultimo, ten-
dering your resignation of the service of th§ go-
vernment of India.

“ In reply, I am directed to acquaint you,
that in compliance with your wish, the Governor-
general has been pleased to accept your resigna-
tion.

“ I have the honour to be, ».

“ Sir,

“ Your most obedient humble servant,

“ S‘‘' W. H. Macnaquten.”

Secretary to Governor of India,
with the Gov.-general.

Camp, at Ferozepore, the
SOth November, 1838.

After passing Bahawalpur, where Sir Henry Fane
had an interview with Bah^wal Khdn, we reached
the frontier of Sind, where I again saw Sir Alex-
ander Bumes. He informed me that Mr. Colvin

ATTACK BY HARI SINGH. 385

tioned on the plain, alone stood firm, and kept his
troops together. Hari Singh, in the first instance,
appeared to have the intention of attacking this
body, but, observing its steady attitude, suddenly
wheeled round, and fell upon the divisions ranged
amongst the small eminences skirting the plain.
The amir’s sons, an^ the Nawab Jabar Khan, while
scorning to fly, were in ravines and hollows sepa-
rated from each other, unconscious of what was
passing around them, and fearful, lest they might be
detected, to ascend the eminences to ascertain.
Fourteen of the Afghan guns had been captured,
and 'the Sikhs, supposing the victory gained, com-
mitted themselves in pursuit, when they were met
by a large body of horse under Shamsadin Khan,
who, not present at the attack, was on his way to
the field ; nor did the flight and discomfiture of his
friends indpce him to check his progress. Very
many'" of the troops who had fled without combat
also returned with him, and the Sikhs in turn be-
came fugitives.

While these events were passing a small party of
Sikh horse galloped over an eminence into the
hollow where Mahomed Akbar Khan was placed,
and, of necessit)^ a conflict took place. The noise
brought his brother, Mahomed Akram Khan, from
a contiguous ravine, where no one knew he was,
and together making up about one hundred men,
they repulsed the Sikh party, and Mahomed Ak-
bar Khdn, assisted by two or three of those near

VOL. HI. 2 c

I •

386 HARI SINGH MORTALLY WOUNDED,

liim, killed one of liis infidel foes, on wliicli account
he aiTOgated, to himself high credit. The Nawab
Jabar Khdn and Sujah Dowlah Khan had also
united, and on- the arrival of Shamsadin Khan made
a successful 'charge, and i-ecaptured a couple of guns,
M£iomed Akbar Khdn, who detested both of them,
hastily came and struck a spear into the ground,
thereby attributing to himself the merit of the affair.
At this crisis Hari Singh, who might or might not
have been able to remedy the confusion w’hich had
spread amongst his troops, received a fatal wound,
and was carried off the field. The Sikhs retired
under the walls of Jamrud, and entrenched them-
selves. Mahomed Akbar Khfin, elate at the sudden
and haj)py change in the fortunes of the day, pro-
posed, possibly without intending so much, to march
upon Peshawer ; when Mirza Sami Khan appeared,
and crying that his prayers had been accepted, and
his good name preserved intact, entreated the boast-
ing young man to be satisfied with what was done.

As soon as the action commenced the mirza had
secreted himself in some cave, or sheltered recess,
where, in despair, he sobbed, beat his breast, tore
his beard, and knocked his head upon the ground ;
now, he asserted, that he had been offeriirg up
prayers, and was willing it should be believed they
had been efficacious. The results of the struggle
were, that the Afghans recovered eleven of the
fourteenguns captured from them ; they also pos-
sessed themselves of three belonging to the Sikhs,

DEATH OF HARI SiNGH.

who, in like manner carried off the same number
belonging to the Afghans. Amongst the latter
was a very large cannon, much prized, whose fel-
low, the Zahar Zang, was at Ghazni Hari Singh,
remarking-its superior dimensions, had* directed it
to he borne off upon its capture. The Afghans
had really not munh to boast of in this action,
although Mahomed Akbar Khan plumed himself
on a transcendent victory. The Sikhs scarcely
acknowledged defeat, but their loss in the person
of their chief was irreparable. That gallant leader
expired, and was burnt the evening of the action.
Hari Singh was possessed of great personal intre-
pidity, but, whether from want of judgment or
from undervaluing his foes, had frequently been
placed in critical situations, and at length fell a
victim to his temerity. He held the Afghans in
bitter contempt, ever affirming that they were dogs
and ebwards, and that he knew them well.

Born in' the same town as Ranjit Singh, he had
been his playmate in boyhood; in mature age he
became the most faithful and able of liis chieftains.
It is said, the i-uler of Lahore was seriously affected
by the tidings of his death. After the action grave
disputes arose between Mahomed Akbar Khiln
and the Naw^b Jabar Khan on the propriety of
moving forward; but ere they could agree power-
ful reinforcements had arrived for the Sikhs, which
compelled the Afghans precipitately to retire. The
retreat was effected by night, and, as usual on such

ALTERCATION.

388

occasions, as soon as the signal was given the anny
bazar was plundered. On reaching Daka, Maho-
med Akbar Khan wished to pass the troops under
review, to prove that he had retreated in perfect
order, — neither disliking, perhaps, to show' that he
could manage better than his father had done,
nearly similarly situated. Sopie few of Ids rela-
tives, and of the chiefs, paraded before him. The
greater part refused to do so; which increased
the animosity, already too prevalent, in the camp.
At this place, also, high w'ords passed in the darbar,
between Mahomed Afzil Khan and Abdul Samad ;

the former placed his hand on his sword, wdien his
brother, Mahomed Akbar Khan, said to him, in
Pashto, “ Let the dog alone, he has often addressed
more abusive language to myself.” The profligate
Persian, with his battalion, had been ordered to
join Mahomed Akbar Khan, and should have
reached before the battle, but he had lingei%d on
the road, and contrived to arrive after it had been
fought. In the subsequent trifling operations, he
was observed to be so partial to the covering of
shelas, or ravines, that he acquired, in vitty al-
lusion to the Persian words of command, dosh fang,
&c., the appropriate sobriquet of Shela-fang. hh-om
Daka the Afghd,ns, retired to the skirts of the
Saf6d Koh, Mahomed Akbar Khmi locating his
troops along the valley of Chapliar, while he fixc<l
himself at the head of it, in Aghdm. The Nawab
Jabdr Khan retired to Tatang.

LENAH SINGH’S MESSAGES. 389

We have stated that Haji Khan had been de-
spatched towards Bajor, it being intended that, in
co-operation with the Bajor and Momahd troops,
he should make a diversion in the ‘Doabeh north
of the K^bal river. In that district was a castle,
held by a small Sikh garrison, and the Sirdar
Lenah Singh, with «, thousand horse and two guns,
had been detached for its protection. Hiji Khan
found himself in command of five or six thousand
men, including his own retainers, being attended
by Mir Alam Khan of Bajor, Sadat Khan the
Mojnand chief, and Saiyad Baba Jan of Peshatt,
in Khonar. Procrastinating amongst the hills,
L^nah Singh sent him a letter, stating that report
gave him credit for being a great warrior, if so,
—and he had come expressly, as he avowed, for
kazz^h (or to devote himself in the cause of re-
ligion,)— why keep under the shelter of the hills.
The Szkh recommended him to advance upon the
plain, where his object was likely to be attained.
On another occasion, Lenah Singh sent a man to
see what kind of a person Plaji Khan was, whether
fat or lean, tall or short. The khan exhibited
himself, and then pointing to a man in armour
sitting by his side, said. This is Mir Alam Khan,
of Bajor. He next showed the fellow S4dat Khan
Momand, and Saiyad Baba Jan of Khonar, with
others, and dismissed him to report what he had
seen. While this farce was playing Mahomed
Akbar Khan arrived at Jamrud, and learning that

390

CONTEST WITH LENAH SINGH.

no assistance had been given to Hari Singh, saw
tiiere was just a chance of effecting a decisive
impression upon Peshdwer, and desiring the khan
to leave objects of minor consideration in the
Doabeh, earnestly besought him to cross the Kabal
river and join him. IMji Kluln. who had a game
of his own, wrote to the am-ir that Mahomed
AkbarlChiln had requested him to cross the river,
but how could he do so with an enemy in front,’
and until he had exterminated him. Ultimately,
advancing on the plain, the Afghans encamped
close to the castle, under which Lenah Singh was
entrenched. The Momands attacked the ramparts,
and it is believed would have forced them had not
aji Khan compelled them to desist. During the
combat one of Lenah Singh’s guns burst, which
enabled the khan to write to Kabal that he had
won a great victory, killing one hundred to one
hmi^ed and fifty Sikhs, and capturing a gun. The
annihilation of Lenah Singh was promised. His
next letter was dated from Gand-ab, and announced
^at, influenced by letters from Sidtau M<ihomed
Khan, the Bajor, Khonar, and Yusaf Zai chiefs
had abandoned him, and that he had no alternative
hut to retire with Sddat Khan Momand. The
amir was sorely incensed, and the khan was next
eard of at Jelflabad, where he was urging Ma-
homed Akbar Khan to send him and Abddl ^mad

As ^ould renew hostilities,

ikhs now mustered nearly forty thousand

HAJI KHAN’S TREACHERY. 391

men at Peshawer, it is difficult to imagine wliat
the khan’s object may have been, unless to have
inducted them into the valley of JelalabM. Sultiln
Mahomed Khan, with his brother, Pir M&omed
Khffia, during these operations were both at Lahore,
in attendance upon, the Mah^aja. When apprised
of what was passing*, they sent letters to Haji Khan
and Mir Alam, with all the presents they had re-
ceived from Ranjit Singh for themselves, and in-
stantly set out for Peshawer. Popular rumour ac-
cused Haji Khin of receiving a sum of money
from Lenah Singh ; it was possible, but not likely.
Of his treachery no one doubted.

The day of the degradation of the notorious
Abdul Samad at length drew nigh. Perceiving
his influence had declined, and that his dishonesty
had become known, he resolved by some manoeuvre
to recover himself, or by some desperate deed to
free himself from embarrassment. His battalion
was in arrears of pay for some months, and he
profited by the circumstance to put into play a
stratagem, in which the men were to perform a
part. As concerted between Abdul Samad and
his captains, they arose, cut down their tents and
his own, and on foot led him to Chahdr Bagh, in
their way to Kabal, where they said they Avere
going to clamour for their pay. Mahomed Akbar
Khdn, with a few horsemen, rode after them,
striving to prevail upon them to return. Four
shots were fired at him, when he retired. The

I I

392 ABDUL SAMAD’S DEGRADATION.

battalion continued its route ; on reacliing Gan-
damak Abdul Samad was seated upon a horse.
WLen they neared Kdbal he was again made
to walk, and the battalion finally marched to the
meadow in front of the amir’s palace, where they
placed their vagabond commander on the summit
of a mound. His friends pitched a tent over him,
with the amir’s permission. Aga Saiyad IMiOiomed,
the amir’s sandukdar, sent to the battalion, was
unhorsed and maltreated.

Towards evening Abdul Samad was summoned
to the amir’s presence. He went, accompanied by
twenty of his men, armed with carbines. The amir
had prepared for any violent attempt, by placing a
party of Afghans at the head of the stair-case lead-
ing to his apartment, with orders to allow no one
hut Abdul Samad to enter. When the fellow had
passed, his followers made a vain effort to force a
passage ; two or thee of them were wounded and all
were despoiled of their arms. Some were secui’ed,
others fled. Amongst the former was one who had
fired upon Mahomed Akbar Khan, and he was oi-
dered to be hanged forthwith. Abdul Samad pro-
tended that his battalion had revolted on account
of an-ears of pay. The captains affirmed, that they
had merely obeyed his own orders, and had done
what he suggested to them. Ismael Khan, Mervi,
the amir’s mirakor, becoming guarantee, he was
suffered to go to the house of one of his disso-
lute companions^ called Shdh Sahib, in the Arabah.

INTERVIEW WITH THE AMIR. S93

An inventory was taken of his effects, which were
afterwards confiscated, and he sought refuge in the
house of Khan Sherm Khan, in Chandol. Ulti-
mately he left Kabal and reached Bokhara, where
his impudence and dexterity enabled him to secure a
tolerable footing. There were many curious circum-
stances attending his dismissal, which I never right-
ly understood. It is almost certain that after his
disgrace the amir’s ruling lady sent him a rich
dress, worked by her own hands.

When the army marched from Jelalabad towards
Khaibar I returned to Kabal, and the amir hear-
ing of my arrival sent for me, and I breakfasted
with him. He was very civil, and laughingly said,
that he did not think the nawab would be so anxi-
ous to pass the next winter at Tatang, as he cer-
tainly never would have gone there this year had
he dreamed was to happen. When the

tidings of the engagement at Jamrud reached I
congratulated him, not on the victory which had
been gained, as I was not quite sure of its nature,
but that his five sons had escaped accident. ' He
noticed my qualified congratulation, but received
it cordially, and I sat with him during the day.
Subsequently I had business which took me to
Mirza Sami Khan, at Agham, under the Safed
Koh at Jelalabad, and intimating to the amir my
intention of visiting the camp, he approved of it.
On reaching Agham I had an interview with Ma-
homed Akbar Khan, who dilated on the recent

* f

394 MAHOMED AKBAR KHAN.

victory, and particulai’ly explained that it was not
OAving to the wound of Hari Singh. Mirza Sami
Khan had previously assured me that the sirdar
had become so intelligent that it AA’as a pleasure to
converse with him, while in valour he surpassed
Rustam. He prayed me to turn the conversation
on military affairs and battles, aven-ing that the
sirdar delighted to commune on such topics. Mil-
homed Akbar Khdn was affecting a little ceremony
and state more than usual, particularly civil, and
I was considered his immediate guest so long as I
remained in camp. Desiring to see the correspon-
dence which had passed between the sirdar and the
Sikhs subsequent to the retreat, a variety of letters
were read to me ; amongst them was one addressed
to Ranjit Singh, informing the old raja that they
knew Harl Singh occupied the castle of Jamrud
without his orders, therefoi’e they did not^mcan to
make war upon the Maharaja when they marched
to Jamrud. Harl Singh was their otdy enemy.
They would have been satisfied with the demolition
of the obnoxious castle, but the sirdar attacked
them, and of the consequences the jMilharaja was
aware. The moment they heard of the arrival of
Shahzada Noh Nlhal Singh (the Maharaja’s grand-
son), they retired ; as, with reference to the chances
of war, exemplified in the fate of Harl Singh, it
would have been considered a great misfortune,
(and what was impossible !) that a similar aceidelft
should befal a prince so dear to the JMahaz’aja. I

^ ■ .

ADVENTURE AT JIGDILLIK. 395

could not forbear to smile at the display of such
delicate sympathy, which Mirza Sami Khan ob-
serving, put his arms around me, and said, “ Mas-
son Sahib, you are a lion. We were 'obliged to
come back, because we had nothing to eat. This
is what we write to Ranjit Singh.” The corre-
spondence altogether v^as a queer one, and Maho-
med Akbar Khan directed my attention to be espe-
cially directed to a letter addressed in his name
'to the young Sikl* Shahzada; he said that it was
“ mazzardar,” or very delightful. It was so, but I
do not now remember much of it.

From Agham I crossed the country to Tatang,
where I found the Nawab Jabar Khan. On ask-
ing him whether I should congratulate him on the
recent victory, he replied, “ For God’s sake, do
not mention it.” At this time news arrived from
Khonar oF the decease of Fati Mahomed Khan,
the naw&’s father-in-law, which compelled that
nobleman to make a journey to Khonar. I there-
fore started for K<\bal, and reached Jigdillik. Be-
ing well known here, I halted amongst the people
of the place, who dwelt in tents, about a mile
off the road, up the valley. In the evening, seated
on the pinnacle of a moderately high mound, with
one of my servants by my side, while on the op-
liosite side of the valley, about eighty or one hun-
dred yards distant, was a tree, with a rivulet flow-
ing beneath it; I observed a man running, Avith
a musket in his hand, and crying audibly, so that

396

RETURN TO KABAL.

we heard hiin, “ Dar Feringhi liir dl?” or Is the
Feringhl gone? Briskly moving under the tree,
he knelt, placed his musket on the bank of the
rivulet, and deliberately took aim. I remarked,
“ That fellow means to fire.” My servant rei)licd,
“ No, he can hardly mean it.” “ By heavens, he
does!” and as the words passed my mouth tlie
shot came, striking about a foot beneath us. We
secured him before he had time to reload, which
he made no offer to do, as now he appeared-
quite stultified. Taking his musket from him, we
led him to the tents, where he proved to bo one
Akram Khan, a resident inhabitant there, and the
youngest of three brothers. I sat up until midnight,
in the hope he would reveal the instigator of the
act, but both he and his bi-others said that was im-
possible. The man was at my mercy, and had I
reported the case to the amir he would undoubt-
edly have ordered his slaughter*, even thougii he had
been commissioned by himself, which, however, I
4id not suspect. Still, reasoning, there was little use
in sacrificing the poor stupid fellow, when tire ])er-
son who prompted him would escape ; T dismissed
him, with the recommendation not to try his hand
at such experiments again. The next morning the
three brothers went ofij armed to the teeth, and I
quietly pursued my road to Kabal.

In the middle of July Mahomed Akbiir Klnin,
with the forces from Jelalabad, reached tire city;
and his arrival was honoured by a grand proeessioir

■■ %

DISMISSAL OF HAJI KHAN. 397

of the military. A vast deal of powder was ex-
pended. ^Seated on the same elephant with him
was Mahomed Osman Khan, who had not parti-
cularly distinguished himself at Jamrud, where he
restrained his men, willing to have fought*, by cry-
ing ‘‘ Zentilik,” or May his wife be divorced who
draws a sword. Having at Dalca paraded his men
before Mahomed Akbar Khan, it was inferred his
compliance, in that instance, procured him so much
.distinction.

HAji Khan arrived with the rest, and in a day
or two received orders to .quit Kabal. The khan
became’ a suijpliant, placed his turban on the ground
before the amir, and entreated that he might be
allowed to remain in his service, even upon a re-
duced salary. The amir was inexorable ; and the
khan left for Toba, with his horsemen, leaving his
wives and family, who were to follow him, in the
Nawab Jabar Khan’s castle at Chahai-deh. Had
the amir been capable of acting as the Vazir Fati
Khan most likely would have done on such an occa-
sion, he would have replaced the turban of Haji
Khan upon his head, have raised him from the
ground, and have forgiven him, while, instead of
reducing his salary, he would have augmented it
some ten thousand rupees per annum. By such
procedure there was a chance that he would have
compelled the khan to be honest for the future;
if he failed he would then have been justified to
proceed to extremities with him. The amir, no

398

HAJI KHAN AND THE BRITISH.

doubt, was surfeited by bis continual treason, and
argued, that if he were to put him to death, how-
ever he might merit his fate, every one would join
in condemEing the measure, remembering that Haji
Khmi hscd been serviceable to him in his advance-
ment to power. He thei-efore sutfered him to de-
part, although aware that he would combine with
those hostile to him, and that he was a person
capable of doing much mischief. It was a common
remark, that the amir was so fearful of him, and.
desirous to be rid of him, that he would have dis-
tributed a lakh of rupees in charity in the morning
if sure that Haji Khan would have died in con-
sequence a natural death during the day. Some
time after, it was found that the khan had made his
way to Kdndahdr, where the sirdars received him
with all honour.

The khan was destined to play a prominent part
in the proceedings of the British army in 'Afghan-
istan. Sir Alexander Burnes had no sooner reach-
ed Bakar than one of the khan’s agents was with
him, and an advance of some thousand rupees se-
cured his good-will and services. Sir Alexander
told me of the' fact, and I observed that, while ho
was worth the money, he was a great villain, and it
was necessary to be cautious with him. Before the
army reached Kandah& Hdji Khan joined it, and
his defection precipitated the retreat of the brother
chiefs.

The long stay made at Kdndah^r probably in-

PURSUIT OF DOST MAHOMED KHAN. 399

duced the khdn to suspect that his new friends
were not so invincibla as he had supposed, and he
meditated to profit by their weakness, and therefore
engaged in plots with Gul Mahomed,, Ghilji, or
Gulu, as conamonly called. Having recourse to his
old game of padshah and vazir, he proposed that
Gulu should be padshah and himself vazir, and that
they should set up on the spoil of the British army.
While this arrangement was concluded, Hdji Khdn
was the confidant of the unsuspecting envoy and
minister, and nothing was done without his know-
ledge and concurrence. The shdh, moreover, had
rewarded his treachery by creating him nasir-a-
dowlah, and Sirdar Sirdaran.

On the flight of Dost Mahomed Khan from
Arghandi, Haji Khan was despatched, with Major
Outram, in pursuit of him. The result was, as
might have been expected, for whether the k ha n
were competent or not to have seized his former
chief, few persons but the envoy and minister wmuld
have despatched him on such an errand. The kha,n
on his return was seized and sent to India for his
treason. It would have been well for the unfor-
tunate envoy jand minister had he been sent with
him, for his lack of sense, and he deserved to have
been. Dost Mahomed KhA.n since his capture, it
is said, admits two errors in his career, one that
he dismissed Captain Burnes, the other that he did
not slay Haji Khan.

Very soon after the departure of Haji Khan the

400 MOTIVES OF THE AMIR’S DISPLEASURE.

amir evinced symptoms of displeasure witli Naib
A mir Akliundzada, brother to Rashid Akhundziida
of Kandahar, and employed under Shamsadin
Kh^n, the hakam, or governor of Ghazni ; also with
Z6rm Khan, Barak Zai, a colleague of the Akhund-
zada. Their jaghirs were resumed, and an inquiry
instituted into the accoimts of Naib Amir. Zorin
Khan was ordered to leave Kabal, and a message
M^as conveyed to him that if he remained longer
than two days his effects should be confiscated.
The Durfmi placed his hand upon his beard, and
swore, “ that if he remained one day the amir was
at liberty to shave it and do what he pleased with
it.” Mirza Sami Khan then was sent to sootbe
and pacify him, and to induce him to stay. It was
not understood at the time why the amir should
have selected these two individuals for degradation
or for insult, because, while justly angry with many
others for their conduct in the action at-^lamnid,
he had nothing to reproach them with on that ac-
count, as both had been severely wounded. The
train of events developed the amir’s secret motives,
and it proved that his pretended harshness was but
a ruse to humble them, preparatory to taking the
government of Ghazni from his nephew, Shamsadin
Khan.

On the death of Amir Mahomed Klian the
amir assumed a control over the administration of
Ghazni; still the ancient officers were continued in

kemoHl of shamsadin khan. 401

employment, and Shamsadin Khan succeeded his
father as governor. Amir Mahomed Khan’s widows,
and their families, i*esided constantly in the citadel,
and the governor of course generally made it his
place of abode. Now the amir determined to re-
move them altogether, to deprive Shamsadin of his
government, and to place therein his son Mahomed
Haidar Khan. The rheasui’e was entirely offensive
to the several members of the family, who beheld
in it another instance of the amir’s contempt of all
family claims ; but they said very little, and Ma-
homed Haidar Khin, after some slight deminring,
■was installed in his new government.

The sirdai's of Kandahar also regarded the step
with aversion, and even remonstrated with the
amir. They plainly saw that the policy of the amir
would ultimately lead him to Kandahar, and the
occupation of Ghazni they regarded as a prelimi-
nary msasui’e. As he would only trust his own
sons, they were aware that they had a year or
two of grace, until Shir Jan, now eleven or twelve
years of age, should be held competent to replace
Mahomed Haidar Khan at Ghazni, who would be
commissioned to JeHlabad, when Mahomed Akbar
Khan, disengaged, would be brought to Kandahar,
and established there. They well knew that they
had hitherto escaped because he had no son that
he could spare to take up their authority, and it
did not accord with his views to confide in any other
than a son.

402 THE AMIE’S EXULTATldisf. '

The amir was so gi-atifiecl with the induction of
his son into the fortress of Ghazni that he publicly
avowed his exultation, and remarked, that now ho
felt secure, g,nd convinced that his government had
firmly taken root.

5 i

CHAPTER XVIL

Intercourse between Kabal abd India.— Letters to Lord Auckland.

— Announcement of Captain Bumes’s mission Letters from

Captain Wade. — Replies. — Lddidna Akbar. — Farther letters
from Captain Wade. — Replies. — Persian Envoy. — Russian let-
ters.— Mahomed Shih’s firman. — HSji Ibrahim’s private letter.
— Captain Wade’s letters. — Kamber All’s difficulties. — Kanda-
har treaty. — Lieutenant Vektavich. — Mdhomed Hussdn’s ar-
rival at Kabal. — His ridiculous conversations. — Letters from
Captain Bumes and Captain Wade. — Interview with the amir.
—Favourable dispositions of Ranjit Singh. — Night interview
with the amir. — The naw^b’s counsel. — Lieutenant Pottinger’s
departure from KSbal. — Remarks on his presence at Herat. —
Siege of Hei-dt. — The Govemor-Genei-al’s warning off.— Results.

In September of this year, 1837, Captain Alex-
ander Burnes reached KAbal, on a mission from the
Governor-general of India. As the consequences
flowing from this diplomatic essay have been suffi-
ciently serious, it may be useful to revert to the
causes which led to it and to its progress, so far as
my situation at Kabal gave me the opportunity of
observing.

It will have been noticed, that intercourse, more
or less, had subsisted between the authorities at
KS,bal and the political agent at Ludimia ; more-
over, that Lord William Bentinck had been accus-

3 D 2

404 LETTERS TO LORD AUCKifAND.

tomed to send letters to Dost Mahomed Khan.
During the interregnum of Sir Charles Metcalf
such intercourse had been interrupted, and Captain
Wade was reduced to frame excuses that the letters
from Kabal were not answered. In tlie winter of
1836-6 the unofficial mirzas attendant u])on Ab-
dul Ghias Kh4n at Lildiana had re)>orted, as they
said, by Captain Wade’s desire, that the British
government could not treat with the Bai'ak Zais
in consequence of their dissensions with t'ach otlun*.
In the spring following, it became known at Kfihal
that a new Governor-general had arrived in India,
and nearly at the same time a letter frtTin the
mirzas suggested, on the part of Captain Wade,
that a letter should be addressed to him from
Kabal. It had been no pleasant task for me to
reply to the remonstrances I w^as obliged to hear
respecting the uncourteous withholding of replies
to the amir’s letters, and when I hearcVwof Loi'd
Auckland’s arrival at Calcutta I told Mirza Bami
Khan that he might probably now write with a
better chance of success. Whether he W’tuild have
written or not I cannot tell, but as Captain Wa<le’s
suggestion was to the same effect, I of course sup-
ported it, and it was agreed to despatch letters of
congratulation to his lordship. They were written
in the usual flowery style, and sent off.

In October 1836 the amir received letters from
the Governor-general, informing him, in reply to
his communications, that a mission would be de-

i %

LETTER FROM CAPTAIN WADE. 405

puted to him, and letters from Captain Wade in-
structed us that Captain Burnes was to conduct it.
The letter from Captain Wade to myself on this
occasion, I give entire, as best explaining the nature
and objects of the mission.

'^Ludidna, SOth September, 1836.

“Sir, .

“ A Qasid of Nawib Jabbar Khan accompanies
your own, with letters from the Governor-general
and myself to the nawab and his brother, the amir,
the purport of which I hope will be satisfactory in
some degree, if not altogether to them. His lord-
ship has determined to depute Captain Burnes on
a commercial mission to the countries bordering on
the Indus, with a view to complete the re-opening
of the navigation of that river. He will proceed,
in the first instance, to Hydrabad, to negotiate for
further facilities for the trade in the territory of the
amirs of Sindh ; whence he will proceed to Mit-
hankot, where I am instructed to meet him ; and
he and Lieutenant Mackeson, in concert with my-
self, are to devise a convenient point on the Indus
for the establishment of an entrepot, and annual fair ;
after settling which. Captain Burnes will proceed
up the river to Attak, where he will disembark and
proceed, via Peshawer, to Kabul, thence to Qanda-
har, and via the Bolan Pass, to Shikarpur, and back
again to Hydrabad. The mission is declared to be
sti’ictly of a commercial character, and the object
of it is to collect commercial information, and to

406

EXTRACT PROM DESPATCH.

make known to the merchants residing beyond the
Indus the measures which have been adopted with
a view of re-establishing the trade by that river.
Circumstances may arise to require my continued
presence fiere ; in wdiicli event Lieutenant Mackeson
will meet Captain Bm-nes at Mithankot, and be
directed by me to accompaiiy that officer during
his passage through the Sikh possessions. In your
reports, subsequent to intelligence of these measures
reaching Kabal, it is desirable that you shoidd
note how it is received, and any measures that
the amir and his advisers may contemplate in con-
sequence.

“ I am, sir, &C. &;c. &c.,

“ Sd. C. M. Wade,

“ Political Agent.”

“ To C. Masson, Esq., &c. &c. &c., Katul.”

From this letter it will not fail to be observed
that there was little notion entertained at this time
of convulsing Central Asia, of deposing and setting
up kings, of carrying on wars, of lavishing treasure,
and of the commission of a long train of crimes and
follies.

The Governor-general’s communications were re-
ceived with cordiality and satisftiction, which 1
reported to Captain Wade.

In a succeeding despatch from that officer, dated
11th November, 1836, was the following extract : —

“ It might be important to ascertain if the letters

* I

■ 1 %

EXTRACTS PROM LETTERS. 407

alleged to have been wi-itten to the amir from his
brothers and others at Qandahar, were actually fabri-
cations or not, and what had transpired between
Mahomed Shah of Persia, and the envby from Qan- *
dahar to his court, regarding the reported intention
of the Persians to advance during the ensuing
‘season against Herat.^’

In a letter of 31st December, 1836, Captain
Wade wrote: — “With reference to the items of
intelligence contained in your letter of the 30th of
August last, regarding the designs of Mahomed
Shdh against Herat, I am desired to observe that,
by infonnation received from other quarters, the
Governor-general of India, in council, is led to be-
lieve that there may be more foundation than is
supposed by you for the rumour relative to the
chiefs of Qandahar ; and as his lordship, in council,
is anxious be kept constantly informed of the
affairs'" of Afghanistan, I have been directed to call
on you to furnish me with the earliest intelligence
of all important occurrences in that quarter, for the
i m mediate information of government.”

The loss of my manuscripts and papers at Kalat
in 1840, incapacitates me from presenting to the
public copies of my correspondence with Captain
Wade for the period in which I filled the situation
of agent at K4bal, which I would have gladly done,
since Sir John Hobhouse has the modesty to make
me an accessory in the evil measures so lauded by
him. What my opinions were, may readily be

408

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS.

learned from the letters and extracts I have quoted,
and may quote. In reference to this letter of 31st
December 1836, the recovery of a letter- book at
- Kalat allows 'me to insert part of my ans-wer to it.

“ 1st February, 1837.

“ Of course I have not the opportunity of know-
ing from what other channels..the Oovenuu-gt'iu'i'al
of India in council is led in some degree to cre<lit
such rumours, but I have observed that the public
prints of India have, during the last twtdve months,
teemed with the most fallacious statements and
absurd rumours relative to Mahomed Shah and the
Afghan countries, which must necessarily have had
origin in some quarters, but that they were due to
pure invention, or a desire to mislead, seems proved
by subsequent events having shown their falsity.

“That Mcihomed Shah may entertain designs
upon Herat is most probable, but the -tenor of all
information would lead to the supposition that his
means are not so matured as to allow him to march
on that place.”

I may be excused to point out that a Persian
paper, called the “Lddlana Akbar,” was printed at
Ludiana, under the direction of Shamat All, the
confidential munsM of Captain Wade. Ttem.s of
intelligence frequently appeai-ed in this paper, cer-
tainly never put together by the munshl ; and as
it was industriously forwarded to Kabal, I. was
often annoyed, for the statements rogai'ding Dost

LUDIANA AKBAR. 409

Mfihomed Kli^n were not only false, but so per-
sonal and insulting that they were not innocent,
and that chief, while he would indignantly reject
the paper, when some one officiously presented ,
it, was wont to observe, that I wrote the* lies about
him. The evil corrected itself in time, for the
statements were so pgregiously absurd that it was
admitted I should not write such nonsense, and
the crime was placed on the right shoulders. In
consequence of the unfounded tales and rumours
I could not but notice in the Calcutta prints, I
wrote to a literary friend at that presidency, asking
if he knew how they originated ; and although I
received no direct reply to this particular question,
subsequent issues of the paper, in which they ap-
peared, revealed, that they were borrowed from the
“ Delhi Gazette,” and that they were translations
from the “ Ijudicina Akbar.” However, as Mahomed
Shah was represented, about this time, to be carry-
ing fire and sword through Afghanistan, the govern-
ment grew alarmed, and applied to their officers on
the frontiers for intelligence ; and owing to this
panic I was indebted, I presume, for the above
letter from Captain Wade.

Before my reply had reached. Captain Wade
would seem to have suspected he was searching
for a mare’s nest, for in a letter of 1st Febraary
he writes, “The reports regarding the intercourse
alleged to have taken place between the Bm-ak

410

FARTHER EXTRACTS.

Zais and tlie King of Persia, and the advance of
the latter on Herat, are certainly too vague to
justify any confidence in them ; at the same time,
, in the present state of aftairs, it might not be alto-
gether right, on our pai't, to neglect the moans of
being well informed of any political events of in-
terest that may be passing on |;he frontiers of Persia
and Turkistan.”

In a letter, dated 7th April, he I’eplies to mine
of 1st February, and the extracts I give from it
are curious, on more accounts than one.

“Copies of such parts of your letter's as have
related to the supposed designs of the King of
Persia, and the overtures said to have been made
to that monarch by the reigning members of the
Barak Zai family, for the expulsion of the Sikhs
from their country, have been forwarded without
delay to government, as well as a copy of your
report regarding the preparations of Dost iMaFiomed
Khan to repel the Sikhs froirr the occupation of
Jamrut.

“ If the amir seriously contemplated such a step
as the last, he has lost the favourable opi)ortunity
of carrying it into effect, which the late asseml)ly
of the gr'eatest par't of the Mahariijri’s troo])s at
Arnratsir, to join in the celebration of Kour Nao
Nahal Singh’s marriage, presented. No sooner
have these festivities passed than Ranjit Bingh has
ordered his forces to move on Peshfiwer, and their
concentration in that quarter will, no doubt, rentier

, I' ' 'I

DELUSIYE BEPOUTS. 411

it extremely diflficult for the amir to resist their
encroachments.

“I entirely concur in what you state regarding
the delusive nature of the reports which are eon-,
stantly appearing in the newspapers, on* the subject
of the designs of Mahomed Shllh on Afghanistan ;
yet, however fallaci^ous they may appear to be to
near observers, there are not wanting interested
persons to mislead the shclh with false hopes of
success in an expedition to that country, and, as
it would appear from your letters of the 20th
September, 15tli October, and 7th and 30th No-
vember last, that Dost Mahomed Khan, or some
of the Persian party in Kabal, had been endea-
vouring to open a con-espondence with the King
of Persia, having for its object an offensive and
defensive alliance with that ruler, the impression
received by government would seem to have had
som^ foundation.

“ Accounts have lately arrived confirmatory of
the report, that appears to have reached you by
the wuy of Bokhara, of the entire defeat of the
Persians by the Turkman tribes, a result which
I fully expected. It is easier to speculate than
to calculate on the facilities to Persia of carrying
her arms into Afghanistan, so long as the British
government maintains its place among the nations
of Europe and the east.”

In my Lord Auckland’s memorable Simla decla-
ration one ot‘ the imputed crimes to Dost Miihomed

412

REPLIES.

Khan is, that he profited by the opportunity of the
presence of the Sikh troops at Amratsir to cele-
brate the marriage of the Maharaja’s grandson, to
attack the detachment at Peshawer. We here
find Captain Wade rebuking the amir for neglect-
ing the occasion.

I hold this letter farther yaluable, as demou-
strating the little value and importance attached
by me to Persia, or Persian intrigues. It is fortu-
nately in my power to give extracts from a letter
of mine, dated 2nd February, whicli, while clearly
setting forth my sentiments, will also show that I
was alive to the interests of the Indian govern-
ment, and not indifferent to the designs of other
powers.

“I believe that the Government of India may
be confident that no Persian emissaries have yet
appeared beyond Plerat ; the ci-devant zisghar (gold-
smith) of Kfmdahar, and such poo])lo as *Abdul
Samad at Kabfil, who, without being authorized,
talk largely on public affairs to increase their own
importance, I presume are not to be considered
such.

“While the various reports circulated in these
countries the last two years, such as the arrival
of Mahomed Shah at Meshed, or its neighbour-
hood, with an impossible amount of forces, were
not entitled to belief at the time they wore current,
— and experience has since proved them to be false,
— reports at times have reached here, of some in-

REPLIES.

413

tended operations npon Khiva from Mazanderaii,
which looks like acting in concert with, or at the
suggestion of, the power whose vessels can com-
mand the Caspian. Among these , rumours one
has been frequently repeated, that the sh^ was*
felling the - forests of Mazanderan. This may be
true, or not ; but if he could be persuaded to destroy
the best defences of that province, it would, of
course, be so much the more open to invasion.
TJie conqwst of Orgenj hy eitlher Persia or Russia
is probably not the easy matter some suppose ; but
if the latter power have any designs upon it, it
wovfld greatly facilitate their chances of success
by engaging the former to co-operate in the at-
tempt, while both powers, it must be conceded,
have tolerably good reasons for desiring the de-
struction of the Orgenj state. The government
of India must certainly be in receipt of constant
intelligence from Tehran, whei*e such plans Would
probably be partly concocted, and must become
known, and perhaps it might be subject of reflec-
tion, whether it ought not to be determined before-
hand what course would be best to be adopted,
in the event of a possible contingency ; for one of
the necessary consequences of the occupation of
Khiva by the Russians, or by the Persians under
their influence, would be, the distribution of their
agents in all comfrries intermediate between them
and British India.”

In July of this year it became known at Kabal

414

PEESIAN ENVOY.

that Mahomed Htissen, who had carried a letter
- - from the amir to Mahomed Shah, had i-eturned
to Kandahar, in company with one Kamber AIj,
a Ghulam S^iah, and the bearer of letters and
presents to the Barak Zai chiefs.

In a letter of 8th July, 1 noted the circum-
stance to Captain Wade : — “ A day or two after I
last addressed you, and when I 'was still at Tatang,
I received an intimation from Kabal that Kamber
All, the Persian envoy, had reached Kandahar, and
that Abdul Samad’s property had been confiscated
by the amir, and that he had taken refuge in the
house of Khan Sherin Khan at Ch^indol. Having
occasion to address Captain Burnes at that time, I
forwarded a copy of the communication, and re-
quested him, wdien he wrote you, to transmit it,
or a copy, for your information. I proceeded im-
mediately to Kabal, and in course of two or three
days letters Averc received frol^l Blahomed IFikssen,
who accompanies Kamber Ali, eoj)ics of wlii<‘h X
have also the pleasure to forward with this commu-
nication.”

A little while before this, and previously to my
departure from Kabal for Jelalabad, the amir in-
formed me of a letter sent by his other agent, Haji
Ibrahim, the brother of Abdul Samad, and jmr-
porting to be from the Russian envoy and minister
plenipotentiary. Count Simonich. As it was fortb-
coming at the moment of Abdul Samad’s degrada-
tion, most people supposed it to be a fabrication,

^ RUSSIAN LETTERS, 415

and the amir evidently leaned to the same opinion.
As he had sent it to Mirza Sami Khan, I could ‘
form no judgment upon it, but when I saw the
mirza at Agham he showed it to me, and wished ^
to give me a copy of it, but, aware that Captain
Bumes would shortly arrive, I affected to treat it
as a matter of no importance, as I had done with
the amir, and obsei’ved, that it could be shown to
Captain Burnes when he came. I, however, re-
ported the matter to Captain Wade.

“ The letter is written on pinh-coloured paper ; has
no signature, but a seal stamped on it, with a legend,
as Mirza Sami Khan reads it, ‘ Graf Ivan Simo-
nich, Wazir Mdkhtahar Behi Russi.’ The letter is
addressed to Amir Dost Mahomed Khan, and states
that Haji Ibrahim, after his dismissal by the shah,
waited on the writer; that favourable reports of
the amir and the Afghans had frequently reached
him;, and that he was their well-wisher. But for
the seal, and Haji Ibrdhim’s explanation, there is
nothing in the letter to judge who wrote it ; and, if
genuine, it would seem intended to give weight to
the shah’s firman. Of neither, however, has any
notice been taken.”

I should have remarked, that Kamber Ali des-
patched from Kandahar a firman, addressed to Dost
Mahomed Khan, notifying to him that his petition
had been received, and that His Majesty the King of
Kings had enrolled him amongst his faithful subjects.

Never was a man more enraged than the amir ;

416 MAHOMED SHAH’S FIRMAN.

he swore that he had sent a letter, not a petition,
and vowed dire vengeance on Mahomed Shah,
not even intending to spare the graves of his fore-
fathers, or of Nadir. There was hearty mirth dis-
played by ^.he sums of Kabal, who thought their
ruler deserved such a firman, and they rejoiced that
his face had been blackened.

A translation of the above letter from Count
Simonich is given as enclosure 1 in No. 2, in page
5, of the Correspondence relating to Afghanistan,
presented to Parliament by her Majesty’s command.
Succeeding it, and designated as enclosure 2 in No.
2, is a letter to the amir from Hajl Ibrahim. '

The latter document was mtended by the H^jl
to be read in darbar. Accompanying it, was a very
long one for the amir’s private information, which,
of course, neither the amir nor Mirza Sami Khan
would wish to be made public. Howx'vei-, at the
time of its arrival, having heard of it, I cHmirivcd
to get a copy, from which I forwarded other copies
both to Captain Wade and to Captain lJurnes, —
and I presume one or the other must haves sent it
on to government. To have published this letter
would not have accorded with the views of her
Majesty’s ministers, as it would have demonstrated
both the character of the miserable agents whose
proceedings have been made the pretence of so
much alarm, and would besides show how ridiculous
were the apprehensions to be entertained from
Persia. I have still a copy, but it is too long to b(^

* cIptain wade’s letters. 417

introduced ; however, amongst many other things,
the Haji sorely complains that Mahomed Huss^n
was' provided with a better letter than he was ; ex-
plains how the shah was well beaten by the Turko-
mans; and details Mahomed Hussen’s behaviour in
the camp at Sh^rud, where, on the occasion of a
review of the troops, he took occasion to lecture
the shah. The monarch was too dignified to reply ;
but when he withdrew, Hiji Mirza Aghassi, the
prime minister, said to Mahomed Hussen : Fellow,
who are you that presume to admonish the shah ?
You are not an envoy, but the bearer of a letter. It
is said, that the Afghans are asses, and now we
know it, or they would not have sent such a fellow
as you here.

Captain Wade, in a communication, dated 19th
June, 1837, wrote : “ The nature of the information
contained in your letter regarding the communica-
tions received by Dost Mahomed Khan from Per-
sia, is highly interesting, and would have fully au-
thorized you in making an immediate report, as
there seems great reason to believe that both HAji
Ibrahim and M£homed Hussen were accredited with
letters to the Persian court, in some form, from the
amir, though it may now be convenient to him to
deny that they were acting on his authority ; and
much allowance may be made for the importance
which has been attached to these envoys in Persia
from the pi’obable intrigues and exaggerations in
which they have no doubt been indulging.”

VOL. ni, 2 E

418

CAPTAIN WADE’S LETTEAS.

In a letter of 29th August, 1837, Captain Wade
wrote : “The Govemoi*-general, in council, to whom
I have considered it my duty to submit every part
of your lettea’s which relate to the polities of that
quarter, is'anxious to receive every information on
these subjects, and I feel assured that you will not
relax in your vigilance and activity in keeping mo
regularly informed of passing events, at a juncture
when it is of the highest consequence to the British
government that I should possess every means of
forming a correct opinion. In a despatch, which I
lately received from government, adverting to the
interesting nature of the information that I had
communicated from you, his lordship in council
seemed desirous that you should continue to i-eport,
without delay, every event of interest ; I l)eg, there-
fore, that your despatches may be more frequent
than before.”

On the 15th Septembei’, 1837, Captain tVack; ^vrot e :
“ The new proofs you have afforded of your zeal
and intelligence, in the performance of your sp('cial
duty of keeping me regularly informed of passing
events in that quarter, continues to engage the fa-
vourable notice of the Governor-general in coumal,
and I trust that your continued industry and discri-
mination may secure for you a continuance of the
favour of a liberal and discerning government
“ Your report of the impression at Kabul ns to
the reply that is likely to be given to Kamber Ali
Khdn, is in coincidence with the national prejudices

CAPTAIN wade’s LETTERS.

and trim policy of the Afghmis, — Dost Mahomed
Khan’s real object in laying his grievances •at the
foot of his Persian majesty’s throne, and the causes
which gave rise to it, are obvious. An ‘opportunity
is now afforded to the amir of removing those causes
by conciliating the Sikhs, who are ready to bring
their quarrels with him to an amicable adjustment,
on reasonable terms, in accordance with our wish
for a mutual state of peace.”

Captain Wade wrote, in a letter of 13tb October,
1837 : “ The information contained in your several
Reports, now acknowledged, is very acceptable. I
am enabled to confirm the intelligence which you
mentioned having received of the deputation of
Fatah Khan to the court of Persia, on the part of
Shahzadah Kamran. The envoy in question had
arrived at Tehrfin,”

On the 19th October following I received an in-
timaticfa* from Captain Wade as follows: “Until
Captain Burnes shall have quitted Kabfil it is con-
sidered desirable that you should be subject to his
orders, and discontinue your direct correspondence
with me, and I beg that you will act accordingly.
Captain Burnes will convey to me every week, if
necessary, such information as he may collect either
by his own means or those of yourself.” This letter
was in consequence of instructions from govern-
ment, ' communicated by the then Mr. Secretary
Macnaghten.

Captain Burnes had reached Kabal in September.

, p

420 KAMBEE ALT’S DIFFICULTIES.

The Persian, Kamber All, had not been allowed by
the sirdars of Kandahar to come on to K&bal ;
Raham Dil Kh^, one of them, avowing, that if he
left the city for that purpose his throat should be
cut. The Persian had, moreover, disgraced himself by
his revels, and was finally in an unpleasant predica-
ment, His companion, Maiiomed Hussen, had bor-
rowed of him some eight hundred rupees, and, being
asked for payment, devised a plan to evade it, and
clear himself of his creditor — quite worthy of him.
He recommended Kamber All to feign sickness,
and to keep his couch, while he went to Kabal

for some of Dost Mahomed Khan’s people, with
whom he would return and fetch him. Mahomed
Hussen, after a violent dispute with Hiijl Khiln,
now at Kandahar, was permitted to leave, and, for-
getting the celerity which he had promised to use,
came leisurely on to Kabal — was sent by the amir to
the Nawab Jab^ Khan’s house, and never thought
of returning to Kindahar. Poor Kamber Alt, in
great terror, urged his departure tipon the sirdars,
particularly as he had received letters from Maho-
med Sh^i’s camp, directing his returir if no good
was to be done ; and the result was, that the sirdlirs
dictated a treaty, which is published with No. 3, let-
ter from Captain Burnes to W. H. Macnaghten,
Esq., page 6 of the Correspondence, and which Kam-
ber All was too glad to seal, to get away. A child
ought not to have been deceived by such a docu-
ment, however Captain Burnes may have chosen to

LIEUTENANT VEKTAVICH.

421

attach importance to it, or the Indian government
to have fallen into his error. Kamber Ali.was so
apprehensive of being waylaid on' his return that
he left all his property behind, and decamped “ jer-
rah,” or slightly equipped, as Lieutenant Vektavich,
who succeeded him, set out from the Persian camp.
There is a remarkable circumstance attending the
despatch of Lieutenant Vektavich, viz. that he left
the camp the morning after the return of Kamber
Alf, seemingly in consequence of the latter’s failure
to reach Kabal, without which there is a possibility
we might not have been honoured with the presence
of the Cossack lieutenant. I have always doubted
whether he came from St. Petersburgh, and whe-
ther he passed through T^hram. If he did not, the
silence of Count Simonich to Sir John M'Neil, of
which the latter complains, would be accounted for,
as the count would at that time be ignorant both
of his Arrival in the camp before Herat and of his
mission to K^bal. Attached to Kamber All was a
Saiyad Mobin, who, it is said, was in the receipt of
a salary from Count Simonich as news-writer. It is
lamentable to be obliged to confess that such was
the imprudent conduct of the British mission ; and
SO flagrant the reports in consequence circulated
of their plans and intentions, that Russia, or any
power, was justified to send persons to ascertain
the nature of their proceedings — the principal ob-
ject, I suspect, confided to Vektavich. That such a
man could have been expected to defeat a British

422 MAHOMED HUSSEN AT KABAL. .

mission is too ridiculous a notion to be entertained ;
nor would his mere appearance have produced such
a result had not the mission itself been set forth
without instructions for its guidance, and had it not
been conducted recklessly, and in defiance of all
common sense and decorum.

Mdhomed Hdssen on re?Lching Kabal -was, of
course, introduced to the amir, and gave an account
so extraordinary of his sayings and doings in Persia
that the chief and his nobles were obliged to rest
their hands on the ground, while they w'ere con-
vnlsed with laughter at the egregious lies he told.
On points of business nothing could be gained fi’ora
him, and the amir, confessing his inability to make
aught of his story, intrusted Mirza Sami Khdn
to question him ; but with no better success. The
amir then regretted that he had taken the fellow
from his dokdn, or shop, in the bazai*, and asked
for a horse which Mdhomed Hvlss^n had %vrittcu
from Persia he had purchased for the amir, and
which was so excellent that Nddir had never one
equal to it in his stables. The elchi would fain
have denied the letter to be in his writing, but
this being proved beyond doubt, he reinenibore<l
that the Turkomans had chapowed the shah’s
camp, and carried off two hundred of his majesty’s
best horses. By the same accident he lost the noble
animal procured for the amir. The amirslily quar-
tered him upon the Nawfib Jabar Khan, the Ferin-
ghi’s friend, and occasionally sent for him, when

* GAPTAIN BURNES. 423

inelinecl to be mirthful and to laugh at the mon-
strous tales he related.

While Captain Burnes was on the way to* Kabal
he had addressed a letter of remonstrance to the
amir respecting the action at Jamrud and the
warfare carried on against the Sikhs. Captain
Wade had done the same ; moreover, addressing
Mahomed Akbar Kh^. The latter was not dis-
pleased at his letter, because he was recommended
having shown his ability in making war, now to
display it in making peace. But the amir was
sorely incensed at the letter addressed to him by
Captain Burnes. I had to bear the weight of his
resentment, and he was absolutely savage.

I was always sorry that Kamber Ali had not
found his way to Kdbal, for not only must he have
failed, but the proposals he was instructed to make
were of that nature that either he must have
suppressed* them or it would have fallen to my lot
to shield him from insult. But for the mismanage-
ment of Captain Burnes he might have had the
credit of doing as much for Vektavich.

As Captain Burnes drew near to Kabal he had
written me, in a letter from Daka, dated the 4th of
September : “ The view which you have taken

of Peshawer being passed over to S6lt^ Mahomed
Khan, is to me very satisfactoiy. I am not without
hope that we shall, in course of time, be able to
work out this matter, but it would be presumption
in the extreme to hope for it if certain circum-

424 THE maharaja’s proposal. f

stances, which I shall unfold, did not lead me to
have a well-grounded hope. I should like to have
the am°fr’s own views, — SuMn Mahomed Khan's
I have, and, ^ if I am not deceived, an inkling of
those of Ranjeet Sing.”

It will be observed, that Captain Wade, on the
15th September, informed me that the “ Sikhs are
ready to bring their quarrels with him to an amica-
ble adjustment, on reasonable terms, in accordance
with our wish for a mutual state of peace.”

It appears that the maharajji was so confounded
at the death of Singh, that he informed Cap-
tain W!ade that he should be glad to give up
Peshawer, preserving his pardah, or his honour.
Nothing could be clearer than that the mahctnija,
was willing, at the request of the British government,
to have abandoned his unjust conquest, — such re-
quest would have saved him the appearance of
having been forced to give it up, and '‘haw. pre-
served his pardah. F arther, no person acqnaiirted
with the state of the country and its rcdations,
could have doubted but that he intended to r(>-
store it to Sultan Mahomed Khan, who already
enjoyed half the revenues— and from whom it was
taken. Its restitution to Dost Mahomed Khan was
a measure neither to be conceived wdtlr any pro-
priety rror to be demanded, with any justice,' from
the m^iMja. The disposition of the imtlnrra);t
was so unhoped for, and so favourable to the suc-
cess of the mission that it is no less extraordi-

v inti^Rview with the amir. 425

nary than unfortunate that Captain Bumes should
not haTe seen the matter in the light every one ‘
but 'himself did.

While Captain Burnes was at Peshawer, where .
his pleasures and his business detained 'him a few
days, the amir began to imagine he might stay
altogether there, and grew alarmed. He had re-
course to me in this juncture, and in a manner
characteristic of him. Very late at night two of
his men came to my house, saying, the amir wished
to see me. I observed, the hour was unseasonable ;
however, as I was still up, I would go. At his
house I was introduced to Mahomed Akbar Khin,
who desired me to follow him, and led the way
into a dark passage. I called to him to give me
his hand, as I was not a cat that could see in
the dark, and he laughed, and did so. After
groping our way through" a variety of passages, we
came»i'fl)on the roof of an apartment where were
sitting the amir, Mirza Sami Khan, Mirza Imam
Verdi, and Naib Amir Akhbndzada, around a fai-
nus, or paper lanthorn. I seated myself by the
amir, and Mahomed Akbar Khan sat by the side
of Nliib Amir. The reasons for sending for me I
found were to ascertain, first, whether Captain
Burnes was really coming to Kabal, and secondly,
what were the objects of his mission. To the first
point I answered, that Captain Burnes was deputed
to him and not to Peshawer ; and to the last, that
I could not tell him what I did not know' myself.

426 ADVICE OF NAWAB JABAR iHAN. :

That envoys were provided with instructions (in
which, however, in this case I was wrong), with
which he would become acquainted when Captain
Burnes arrived. The amir was scarcely satisfied.
However, 'as I had nothing to communicate to
clear up his doubts, he said, Burnes must jdease
himself : and I, saying it was late, took leave, and
was again escorted through the dai’k passages by
Mahomed Akhar Khan. With reference to this
interview I may remark, that the tone of tlie
amir had been so high that the Nawab Jabiir Khan
had recommended me to advise Captain Burnes to
stay for a few days at Peshawer, as well as to
send Sultan Maliomed Khcin to Bfijor; when, as
he said, the amir would be reduced to call on
me, with the Koran in his hands, and implore me
to persuade Captain Burnes to come on. This
manoeuvre was a good Afghfln one, and I <loubt
not would have brought the amir to the no<tes.sity
of being a suppliant, but I hardly thought it ho-
nourable that it should be put in play by ourselves ;
and while mentioning what the nawab advised to
Captain Burnes, I stated that I thought it net'illess
to act upon it, as matters without it were likely to
go on smoothly. The amir very possibly heard of
all this, and therefore sent for me.

In May of this year Lieutenant Eldred Pottin-
ger arrived in Kabal, and in duly, without ac-
quainting me, or even the Nawab .fabar Khan,
in whose house he resided, dcqiarted for Herat, by

1 * LIEUTENANT POTTINGER’S TRIP. 427

the route of the Hazarajat. With reference to
the eictreme jealousy entertained by the Barak*
Zai chiefs of Shah Kamran, I had to contend
with a good deal of ill-will on this account, as^
they could not be persuaded that I was innocent
of Lieutenant Pottinger’s departure, or that it was
not owing to a concerted plan between us. This
officer had procured twelve months’ leave of ab-
sence, to explore the passes west of the Indus ;
and when his uncle, Sir Henry Pottinger, heard
of his journey to Herat, he wrote to me, desiring
I would spare no -expense in transmitting letters
of *recal, pointing out that he would be compro-
mised with the government, who, at his solicit-
ation, had granted the leave of absence. I have
always thought that, however fortunate for Lieu-
tenant Pottinger himself, his trip to Herat was
an unlucky one for his country; the place would
have * been fought as well without him ; and his
presence, which would scarcely be thought acci-
dental, though truly it was so, must not only
have irritated the Persian king, but have served
as a pretext for the more prominent exertions of
the Russian staff. It is certain, that when he
started from Kabal he had no idea that the city
would be invested by a Persian army ; in proof
of which I have letters from him soon after he
reached ; the first alluding to no such expectation,
and the second describing the Persian advances as
sudden, and wholly unlooked-for by the authorities.

* i I

428 PERSIAN ARMY WARNED Of'F. ^

Kamr^’s army, in the early spring, had threat-
' ened Kindahar, and advanced to the Helmand,
from which it moved upon Lash and Jiwand, and
^ then spread itself -over Sistan, where the horses
of the cavalry perished from disease, and the tinest
force which for some years had marched from
Hei-cit became disabled. In this state, the sur-
render of the frontier fortress of Ghorian, through
treachery, reduced KamrAn to the necessity of en-
during a siege.

The results are well known. The Governor-
general of India, to employ the official term, warned
off the Persians, who, nevertheless, paid so Ifttle
attention to the warning off, that after they re-
ceived it they made their last and most desperate
assault on the place, when, being foiled, and sorely
pressed by famine, and desertions from their camp,
they retired in compliance, so they say, of his lord-
ship’s warning off. * •
Colonel Stoddart, the British reprcsentativtJ in
the Persian camp, and Lieutenant Pottiiiger, joined
in their congratulations to the Governor-geiu'ral,
and ascribed to Providence the deliverance of tlu'
capital of KamrAn. God forbid that I slumhl
write profanely! but if Providence hud uuglit to
do in the matter, by all human calculation, it had
intended that the Persians should have left their
guns and equipage behind them, and perhaps that
MAhomed Shah, Count Simonich, M. Goutte, and

- ^ RESULTS. 429

the rest, should have been picked up by the Turko-
mans In their flight towards Tehrin. So much
good, or so much evil may have been prevented
by Mahomed Sh^’s compliance with the Governor- •

general’s warning ' off.

• I I

430

CHAPTER XVIII.

Captain Bumes’s notion of his mission.— Fallacy of opening the
Indus. — Remarks on commercial missions. — My correspondence.
— Letters from Captain Burnes. — His arrival in Kfibal. De-

fect in instructions.— Captain Wade's jealousy. —Obstacles.—
Advantages.- Statement of my views. — Favourable concur-
rences.

In the preceding chapter I have explained the
origin of Captain Burnes’s mission, and shown Cap-
tain Wade’s notions of its object ; in the present I
shall exhibit Captain Burues’s opinions, which may
be best done by recourse to his lettere.

“ Hydrabad in Sinde, 2ik1 February, 1887.' -The
growing demand for markets to t'ho meridiant
throughout the world has stimulated the govm-n-
ment, no less than the mercantile community, to
make one grand attempt to open the Indus,' and
the countries in and beyond it, to commerc'e ; and
the government of India have reposed their conli-
dence in me to try and work out this great end. I’lie
objects of my journey are, primarily, commercial;
and my political powers cease on leaving the Imlns ;
but we would ill discharge our duty to om-.s-elves
if we did not look to the right and left. But you

CABTAIN BURNES’S MISSION. - 431

will mach oblige me by giving currency, as far as is
^in youApower, to the fact, that the main and great
aim' of government is to open the Indus, ‘and to
inform the chiefs in Afghanistan, and the merchants
of that country, of the arrangements which have been
entered into. I cannot adduce a better proof of
the sincerity of government in this great national
undertaking than that after I had been directed to
set out, . Runjeet Sing threatened Sinde, and was
alone prevented by British influence from attacking
it. The government said, justly, that if the balance
of power on the Indus is destroyed our commercial
hopes are Tinned, and we have therefore concluded
a treaty with the ameers, taking them under our
protection, and fixing a British agent in Sinde ! We
have no wish to extend our political relations be-
yond the river, but a great one to enter into friendly
commercial ones with all the chiefs between this
and ^Persia* I might wi'ite to you very diiFusely on
this subject, but I think I have placed before you,
in a short compass, all that is interesting, and enough,
I hope, to enable you to form a judgment on the
prospects of success, on the kind of I’eception we
shall experience, and on other points ; of which
your local knowledge and long acquaintance quali-
fy you, above all others, to judge. If you will
favour me with that judgment, I need not assure
you of the thanks which I shall owe you.”

In the commencement of this letter Captain
Burnes intimated his wish to be informed of the

* f

■ ■ ■■ f'-- ■"

432 ■ FALLACY OF OPENING THE'^ INDUS. ^

“ state of parties in Afghanistan,” and, whilt' I pro-
mised to write on that subject, I replied <At once
to the matter of the above extract.

The main,, and gi’eat aim of government, is de-
clared to be to open the Indus. Was the Indus
ever closed, or farther closed than by its dangerous
entrances and shallow depth of w'ater? Another
object was to open the countries on and beyond the
Indus to commerce. Were they also ever closed ?

No such thing : they carried on an active, and in-
creasing trade with India, and afforded markets for -
immense quantities of British manufactured goods.

The governments of India and of England, as" well
as the public at large, w'ere never amused and de-
ceived by a greater fallacy than that of opening the

'i;|e

Indus, as regarded commercial objects. The results
of the policy concealed under this pr'etext have
been the introduction of troops into the countries
on and beyond the river, and of some half jlozen
steamers on the stream itself, employed for warlike
objects, not for those of trade. There is, besi<les,
great absurdity in commercial treaties with the
states of Central Asia, simply because there is no
occasion for them. From ancient and prescribed
usage, moderate and fixed duties are levic'd ; trade
is perfectly free ; no goods are prohibited ; and the
more extensive the commerce carried on the greater
advantage to the state. Where, then, the benefit
of commercial treaties ?

However, these were points on which it would

, COMMERCIAL MISSIONS.

have been unnecessary for me to catechize Captain
Bur^s ; my duty led me to do my best to facilitate,
his objects, such as they were, and I answered him
in the following manner.

“ I have no idea that the amir, or ^ny one here*^
fully appreciates the advantages of a strictly com-
mercial treaty, — all, no doubt, look forward to some
political advantages, if no other than the security
of their own dominions, from a connexion of any
kind with the Indian government ; and although
your mission be avowedly a commercial one, it may
easily be brought to be considered as the step to
something that may be approved of even by them-
selves, and to which, in the natural course of things,
it must lead.

“ About two years since Lord Bentinck, in a
letter to the amir, first suggested some kind of
commercial arrangement ; his letter was not under-
stood as “it ought to have been, and the amir’s reply
was not so satisfactory, perhaps, as to induce his
lordship to put foi’ward a mission ; but I may note,
that with Lord Bentinck’s letter Captain Wade
addressed me, stating, that it was unnecessary to
point out to me the advantages that would in con-
sequence of such a treaty arise to the amir in the
stability of Ms government, and so forth ; and Cap-
tain Wade to the amii’, either directly or through
the medium of Abdul Ghias Khan, explained, that
one of the benefits of such treaty would be, that
every one should know his own boundaries. If

2 F

VOL. III.

• I I

434 , LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BUI^NES.

these advantages, held out two years since, m;ty he
-held out without exceeding your instructions this
period, in case such matters should he started, there
would he nearlj an end to discussion. These ohser-
"vations, and, those preceding, I make in allusion to
the sole topic, upon which I apprehend you may not
he prepared to reply in the manner tliat may he
wished, hut hy no means inteifd them to he dis-
couraging. Lord Auckland’s letter on this ])oint
was even satisfactory, for, alluding to the fSikh aggres-
sions of which the amir complained, he mentioned,
that if the British government wore a party be-
tween, such aggressions should or would cease,-— or
something to that effect, — upon which the amir
observed, that was something to the point, and then
added, idly, however, laughing and rubbing his
hands, that he had been better pleased to ho or-
dered to attack the infidel Ranjit.”

In the reply to the letter of which the' above is
an extract. Captain Burnes seems to have htu^n
set into a blaze hy letters from Mr. hTNcil. lie
writes : “ It gave me very great i)leasure to ree(^ivt^
your letter of the 16th April from Jelalahad, which
reached me at Bhawulpore on the 10th of May.
For yom* luminous view of the state of affairs in
Cabool, believe me, I feel deeidy indebted- 1 would
have replied to your communication instantly, l)eing
quite alive to the necessity of letting the ameer,
and all concerned, know of our approach, but a most
important despatch, no less than the one containing

^ LET1S0ERS FROM CAPTAIN BURNES. • 436

all tt[j views of the Governor-general on Afghanistan,
was s|pt, by the mistake of Captain Wade’s moon-
sh'ee, to Mr. Mackison, and I resolved, at alf hazards,
to await it. It reached me late las.t night, and I
cannot now regret the delay, as in half an hour after
I received an express from Persia containing mat-
tei-s of the first importance. The despatch of the
Governor-general I*enclose,"and also the confiden-
tial express from Mr. M‘Neil, well assured as I am,
in putting you in possession of these important do-
cuments, I am but advancing the interests of go-
vernment, and shall be able through you, even be-
fors I get to Cabool to elicit information to guide
my proceedings.

“ To proceed, however, step by step in my inqui-
ries and observations, it is first necessary to observe,
that about ten days before I received your letter
from Jelalabad, I had become cognizant, through
Can^ahar* of the fact that Dost Mhhomed Khiin
had opened a communication with Persia. I forth-
with despatched the information to Lord Auckland,
but I was not prepared for so rapid a confirmation of
the circumstance as that which I received from you.
You may imagine I lost no time in despatching ex-
tracts of all parts of your letter relating to public
affairs to the private secretary. I observe what you
state, that the ameer’s hopes from Persia have since
he opened that communication greatly abated, but it
was the circumstance of his opening the communi-
cation at all that appeared to me important, and to

• I I

■ (■ ■ . ■■■■:,

436 " LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BUaNES. r

be a subject for our serious consideration. /‘^Vliat
then was my surprise to read the communications
from the King of Persia to Dost Mahomed Khan,
^of which Mr,M‘Neil has with such dexterity pos-
sessed himself.

“ The enclosed despatch of the supremo govern-
ment, written to Mr. M'Neil on the lOth April,
will show you that our policy in Afghanistan en-
gages the anxious attention of government. What
then, now must be the anxiety when such intrigues
are brought to light? Before I heard of them I had
addressed a letter to government, of which I en-
close you a copy. It is not an official letter,‘but
to the private secretary, and I do not forward to
you the enclosure, which I hope soon to converse
with you in person. From all these communi-
cations you will be put in the jtossession of the
views of government, of Mr. M‘Neil, and myself,
and your competent knowledge, and great local ex-
, perience will, I am sure, prove at this critical junc-
ture of great service. I beg of you to favour me by
writing your most unreserved sentiments. N<Jthing
will gratify me more, and though I have published
a book, and printed and written various views, no
one will be more glad to alter those views tlian my-
self. I have no system to uphold but one, which is
an ardent wish to place our relations in the west on
such a footing as will best serve the interests of
India. As yet I have no authority beyond that of
conducting a commercial mission ; but various hints

-5 LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BURNES. * 437

4 and fitters, together with the chain of events now
in progress, have served to convince me that a stir-
ring time ai 'political action has arrived, and I shall
have to show what my government is made oi^ a%
well as myself. Waving, therefore, ’all what is
called ‘ political humbug,’ I have placed all matters
before you. The next point to be attended to is
the state of politics at Candahar, a Eussian letter to
the chief, and presents from the Czar. Why, zounds !
this is carrying the fire to our door with a ven-
geance. — Nothing can come out of that scheme ;
but it also shows that we must be on the alert
there.”

On the 25th of June Captain Burnes had become,
more composed as he then wrote from Dera Ismael
Khan: “After I last wrote to you, and four or five
days had elapsed, I received an express from Lord
Auckland’s secretary on the first news of the inten-
tions of Dost Mahomed Khan (to attack the Sikhs).
These, as you may well imagine, gave cause for
alarm, and I was instructed to delay my advance till
I got instructions, which would follow in a day or
two. These instructions have now reached me ; and
though prudence dictates a cautious line of proce-
dure, still I am left at liberty to advance if I choose ;
and the government hope I may do good. I have,
therefore, addressed Dost Mahomed Khan, and a
copy of the letter I enclose for your information.
The original I send ; also letters for the nawab and
Mirza Sami Kh^n, which you will very much oblige

438 " LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BEliNES.

me by delivering, in the way which you may ^.ndge
most suitable. You will see that I have been very
explicit with the ameer ; and if ho could but see his
'"~-_own interests he would make terms with the Sc'iks
Jrojn and leave us unfettered ; in which I see

to him much good. The British government con-
template no employment of its power in Cabool,
though it ardently wishes for peace on its fronti('r ;
and it is also most anxious that no fnrtlier injury
should be done to the Afghans ; but this must de-
pend on the Afghans themselves. You will well
imagine how anxiously I shall look out for replies
to these communications. I feel myself gifted with
much more latitude since I last wrote to 3 'ou, but I
must see with my own eyes before acting, or recom-
mending action, and it will never do to offend lluu-
jeet Sing, whose alliance we court, and must choi-ish.”

Captain Burnes’s next letter to me, on^ the 2yth
July, was alike moderate. The collision between
the Sikhs and Afghans had passed over •, with refer-
ence to which he wrote; “ It really seems to nn; that
matters have subsided into a better form than was
to be anticipated, though I quite agree in the ob-
servation made by you, in one of your letters to Cap-
tain Wade, that a very free use of the name of the
British government seems to have been made.”

“I shall not fail to inform Captain Wade of
the arrival of the elchee from Persia by the
first packet. The designs from the west require
to be sedulously watched, though I have received

m ■

LETTERS PROM CAPTAIN BURNES.

439

« much’Ssupport to my opinions from finding you so
^ stron^pon the improbability of Sbia ascendency in
Cabool. I always looked upon it as bigbly im-
probable.” . ^

On tbe 6th August Captain BurneS wrote from
camp, near Attok : — “ At Hasan Abdall, on the 1st,

I had the satisfaction of receiving your communica-
tion of the 16th, by my own cossids ; and if I have
already felt myself obliged by your full exposition of
the state of affairs in Cabool, I must say that you
have, if possible, increased my obligation by this
most valuable communication. You have laid be-
fore me the rocks which endanger every movement;
and so foul is the path that I much fear, with such a
beacon, I shall yet be involved in great embarrass-
ments. I have only one sheet-anchor left, which is,
that they will be roused in Calcutta to make some
decided exertion, at variance with our late sleepy
policy; and if they act not thus, I even question the
propriety of their having ever deputed me to Cabool.
The ameer’s letter which you enclosed is the coun-
terpart of the original. I looked upon it as satis-
factory, but there was still a tone and tenor in it
which I do not like, and which your letter com-
pletely explained, I do not think the British govern-
ment is in a humour to be trifled with; and if the
ameer hopes to play off the offers of Bokh^a and
Persia, to quicken us in our movements, he may fail.
If, howevei’, government attaches importance to
the communications from Russia (and I shall won-

440 ' LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BUtlNES. ; i

' ' ■ ' ■ I ■ ■ ■

der much if they do not do so) their proc^^'dings
may be jery different, for I do not apprehend we '
should ever submit to a Russian intrigue near our

own frontier without seeking to counteract it, and

that had we" not been already sent, some one of our
nation must have followed, or they must ha%'c 8<nit
you yourself powers. ,

“ The audacity of Mahomed Hussein, whose letters
you enclosed, astounds me ; he is, however, a very
Persian. I translated the epistles, and sent them on
to the private secretary. They require no comment.
This letter is by no means meant as an answtM- to
your last communication. That I have studied, and
reperused with great care, and it has instilled into
my mind some doubts, which are always wholesome.

It seems, however, certain, that we must form sonse
connexion with Cabool, and it is more the way in
which that should be brought about tlmf. puzzles,
than the kind of connexion — so conflicting 'and
various are the interests.

“ It will interest you to know', that Captain 8hiel,
the secretary of legation at Tehran, has accom-
panied a Persian elchee to Khiva and Bokhara, to put
down slavery — accompanied I say, because it has
been so communicated to me, but I question the good
which can arise from such a journey — wn should
look nearer home. My opinions on Persian polities
are very fixed. Without Mr. Macncil there we
should have been soon ousted — with him the evil day
only is postponed, and our connexion with the country

LETTERS FROM CAPTAIN BURNES. * 441

* will eiiv in signal discomfiture and disgrace. Taking
general view of thing sat present, I should not be
vsurprisqd if government followed one of two views,
>v— one is, to invest me with full powers the other is,
to direct me to stay in Cabool till I can* communi-
cate with them ; — the last, and most improbable of
all, is, to suspend my ^movements.”

From Peshawer, on the 22d of August, Captain
Burnes wrote : “ It gives me great pleasure to
acknowledge your letter of the 12th, which reached
me yesterday afternoon. At all events, your present
letter sets my mind at ease regarding the feelings of
Dost Mahomed Khan. The change of tone in the
ameer is what I very much desired, and what I cer-
tainly hoped for, but I had also quite made up my
mind to let him know at once that the British go-
vernment were not likely to permit any coquetting
on his part. The honour of having any agent,
however humble, deputed to confer with him is by
no means a small one, and if nothing took place but
mere conference, and he saw his position properly,
he might so strengthen himself, that in a year or two
he would have no equal near him. Such at least
are my sentiments ; and with them you may ima-
gine that we are not likely to be taken by storm.
In fact, if Dost Mahomed Khan continues to con-
template attacks on the Seiks, and to increase his
duties on the merchant, we may very well ask the
■ utility of holding any communications Avith him.”

“ The approach of the bursting bubble of Ma-

442 VIEWS REGARDING PESHiWER.

homed Hussein’s mission is highly amusing, i While p
seated on Hindoo Koosh, drinking tea and kuglnng:'
at the said Mirza’s fibs, which Ferdinand IMindez
Pinto ne’er outdid, I little thought I was holding
converse with the future ambassador of the ruler of
Cabool to the King of Kings ! Among other curio-
sities to show you on the aflfairs of nations, I have a
very morceau in the shape of forged credentials
from the ameer to Lord Auckland in behalf of
Hajee Hussein Khan ! ! I possess the original, and a
rarer bit of Hajee Babaism I have not seen.”

Captain Burnes next wrote me from Dak a, on
the 4th of September, when, having cleared the
Khaibar Pass, he had entered Dost Mahomed
Khan’s dominions. He then said, “I have no
means of doing justice to your many and con-
siderate letters. Lying before me are those of
the 14th, 17th, 23rd, and 26th of August, and
yours of the 27th has just been put iiitcx my
hands.

“The view which you have taken of Peshiiwer
being passed over to Sultan Mfihomod Khfin, is
to me very satisfactory. I am not without hope
that we shall, in course of time, be able to work
out this matter ; but it would be presumption in
the extreme to hope for it if certain circumstanccis,
which I shall unfold, did not lead mo to have a
well-grounded hope. I should like to have the
amir’s own views ; Sooltan Mahomed Khan’s I have,
and, if I am not deceived, an inkling of those of

ALLUSION TO PERSIAN AFFAIRS. ♦ 443

RunjeeS Singb. Had we not bad to pull tbe Khai-
m's reiii in Sinde, I should have said, that tbe ad-
justment of it amounted to a certainty ; and I
now believe that tbe drain wbicb Peshawer is upon ,
bis finances, bis wish to please us, and cftber things
combined, will, in the end, tend to adjustment.

“ Tbe non-arrival of tbe Persian elcbee is amusing
enough. I suppose he has bad his coup de grace,
for the ameer cannot surely put any reliance after
such an exposure of Mahomed Hoosein’s fabrications.
We have no late news here of affairs to the west.

“Your letter to Captain Wade I perused, and
sent’on by the cossid from Ali Musjeed. I really
do not comprehend Captain Wade’s allusion to
the state of affairs in Persia being favourable ;
my accounts, as I interpret them, speak to the
contrary. I am glad the panic, from the contents
of his letter, has been removed, and I am a good
deal ximused at what he says about the ‘ Governor-
General and I have both been inculcating peace,
&c.’ Had I known such inculcation I need not
have written, as I did, from Dera Ismael Khan ;
but I hope soon to read a lesson in propria persorm
to Dost Mahomed Khan, and let him know what
are and what are not the views of the British
government, though it would indeed be gratify-
ing to myself if I were better informed on them
than I am. My last accounts from Calcutta are,
in plain English, as follows : that Lord Auckland
looks with great anxiety to hear from me in Cabool

444 AFFAIRS OF KANDAHAfi.

after I have seen about me ; the meaning of which
is clear enough, that they are to act aften I havq-
reported. This looks like toasting our toes at Ca-
hool for the winter.”

From Chupreeal, on the 0 th of Se})temher, Caji-
tain Burnes wrote : “ I am glad to say that an im-
portant express has reached me since 1 last ad-
dressed you, which will not make me afraid to
meet Dost Mahomed Khan, for T have it now in
my power to be of service to him, but 1 shall not
speculate at length on the subject now. I am
very anxious to have the ameer’s own vitnvs of
his own affairs, for on them a good deal wilf de-
pend. I need only tell you, in confidence, tliat
the adjustment of Peshawer is nearer than ever,
if not mismanaged, and you -well know how easy
it is to do that, even without Afghans, and their
proverbial stupidity.

“I do certainly consider Dost Miihomed' Khan
has it in his power to become a great man, if he
can resist the pressure from without (as the poli-
ticians say at home) of his own family, and act
for himself.

“ I have had my attention most esjiecially (‘ailed
to the affairs of Candahar ; and, more opportunely
than I could have hoped for, I have just received
a despatch from thence, old in date certainly, but
full of particulars of the way the sirdfirs went
about their communications with Russia, which
bear the stamp of truth, and confirm much of
what Mr. M'Neil writes. My account of the el-

VI^TT TO CAPTAIN BURNES. ♦ 445

chee’s '■revels coincide with your own ; and in pre-
gparing pay despatch I shall note the coincidences
between the information. I imagine the* elchee
will not come to Cabool ; but what think you of
the sh‘d&s having sent other letters, and another
envoy to Tehran and the Russian minister ?”

From Tezin Captain Bumes wrote, on the 16th
of September; “The accounts from Candahar are
really perplexing. The information you convey
tallies well with what I have received ; only that
the Candahar sirdars have, I hear, of themselves,
detained Kumber Ali, and got him to write to
the ^hah, as they have themselves done, that Ca-
bool is of no use to his Majesty, and Candahar
is the ground to work upon ! ! ! Tant mimw. In
the same truth, Kohan Dil Kh^ writes me a more
than friendly letter, and his brothers are equally
amicable.”

Op. ‘the 18th of September Captain Burnes
reached Bhut Khak, where I paid him a visit,
and remained with him the following day. Our
conversation was nearly exclusively on political
matters ; and I must confess I augured very faintly
of the success of his mission, either from his man-
ner or from his opinion “that the Afghans were
to be treated as children,” a remark that drew from
me the reply, that he must not then expect them
to behave as men. On the 20th of September
I returned to the city, after breakfast, and Captain

446 r NECESSITY OF PULL INSTRigCTIONS.

Bumes bein^ met on the road by M<ihoined Akbar ^
Kh^n, was escorted with all honour to the presence^
of Dost Mahomed Khan.

I have not judged it necessary to lunko any
comments -.upon the various exti-acts I have sub-
mitted from Captain Burnes’s lottei’s. If (kiplain
Wade may be charged with doing too little, T
think it may be conceited 'that Captain Jinnies
was inclined to do too much. W^hat T conceived
my duty had led me, as will have bc'en seen, at
the earliest period of my correspondence M'ith Cap-
tain Burnes to press upon him the necessity of
having clear instructions, and of being prt‘parcd
to meet the proposals likely to be made to him.

I had reasons to suspect that the then govern-
ment of India was a weak government, and I was
aware that missions are put forth in a loose
manner. I also foresaw the evils whi<“h delay
would excite with impatient ])cople, and I could
but know that in less than four months no an.swer
from Calcutta to any communication could bo re-
ceived. It was therefore clearly proper, us well
as essential to success, that Ca])tain Burnes should
come as well prepared as possible. I was, more-
over, conscious of the jealousy of the political
agent at Ludfana, who had informed the autho-
rities at Kahal, through Ahdul Ghids Khan, that
he would have been a fitter person tban Captain
Burnes for the mission, and would have <lone more
for them than he could do, on account of his

n •

SETTLEMENT OF AFGHAN AFFAIRS. . 447

influence with Ranjit Singh. I also knew that
* Captain^ Wade could depend on the support of .
Mr.- Secretary Macnaghten. On the other hand,
Captain Burnes was agreeable to Lord Auckland,
and had the privilege of constant compiunication
with the private seci-etary, Mr. Colvin,— sufficient
to protect him from evil infl,uences, had he used
it wisely. *

In conformity to the request of Captain Bumes,

I sent him a paper on the state of parties in Kabal.

I afterwards did more, and entered into a detail
of the conflicting interests in Afghanistan, and the
mode, in which, in my opinion, they were to be
approached and reconciled. When at Bombay, in
1841, I wrote to Sir Alexander Burnes at Kabal,
hoping he would not object to send me copies
of these two documents. I sailed for England
before hfs reply, if he made any, could have reached
me, and. sidce no letter of his has been forwarded
to me. Nothing would have given me greater
satisfaction than to have been enabled to publish
these papers, for not only would they have shown
my views and opinions, but I may fancy they would
have established that the Afghm affairs were ca-
pable of settlement, and that the settlement was
in our power at that time. My proposal was
simply, that Peshawer, — -the assumption of which
by Ranjit Singh had brought on all our evils,---
should be restored to Sdltan Mahomed Khan; in
fact, that a mere act of justice should be done.

448 r

appointment of AGIJNTS.

By this the chiefs of Kandahar would be at once ^
reconciled, while Dost Mahomed Khan would hare
no alternative but to acquiesce ; still, as to his
exertions, in some measure, the restitution might
be held due, I proposed that Sriltfin Mahonied
Khan should pay annually a sum, more or less,
not exceeding a lakh of rupees, from his revcmios,
which I did not doubt he %vould gladly do, as the
price of being relieved from Sikh control, and
of the possession of the entire country. The Sikhs,
having built a capacious and strong fortress at
Peshawer, I foresaw they might either propose to
leave a garrison in it or wish to dismantle it. It
appeared to me better that it should remain
an Afghan bulwark ; and as the ex])enso in the
construction was not considerable, and I was well
aware that Sultan Mahomed Khan had no funds,

I submitted, that the government might advance
the one or two lakhs which would be 'a-eqinred,
unless indeed the restored sirdar should pay it ott*
by instalments. To see that these arrangements
were carried into effect and duly observed, I pro-
posed that a superior agent should reside at KAbal,
and subordinate ones at Kandahar and Peshawer,
as checks upon the conduct of the chiefs, and for
the purposes of seeing what was going on, but
without exercising any kind of interference in other
matters.

■ I never once alluded to Persian and Russian
intrigues ; I hold them now ridiculous ; I held them

SI^RttENDER OF. PESHAWER. ♦ 449

SO then ; but while removing effectually the : only
^ causes jwhich could make them of any import, I
suggested (seeing, from the jealousy the Barak Zai
chiefs entertained of Kamran, it ^\ould be im-^
prudent that the agent at Kabal should have any-
thing to do with him or his affairs,) that Herat
should be placed in correspondence with the envoy
at Tehran, and that an officer to that state should
be furnished from the mission there.

While perfectly aware that the occupation of
Peshawer was unprofitable, and the constant source
of alarm and inquietude to Ranjit Singh, and satis-
fied* that ho would relinquish it, if solicited by
the Indian government as a favour to do so, I
had not hoped that he would voluntarily come
forward, and express a desire to be eased of it.
As he did, it was only by the mismanagement
which Captain Burnes, in his letter from Chap rial,
depsec'ated, that our relations with the Afghdn
states were not placed on as fair a footing as
it was needful they should be ; for my experience
had brought me to the decided opinion that any
strict alliance with powers so constituted would
prove only productive of mischief and embarrass-
ment, while I still thought that Bi'itish influence
might be usefully exerted in preserving the in-
tegrity of the several states, and putting their rulers
on their good behaviour.

Another unexpected piece of good foi’tune hap-
pened about this time, inasmuch as Kamran, in

VOL. HI. 2 G

• I I

• # ■ • ■■■

■■ • , . , ■■ .. ■ .

. ' • ■ ■ , ^ '■ :

450 • SUCCESS OP THE MISSION.

his intercourse with Mr. coiisentod to

acknowledge the indepondence of the Bui-:ik
chiefs, m return for being secured against tin' 'at-
^tacks of Pefsia, so that nothing was ^ranting to
the success of Captain Burnes's mission Imt his
own ability to avail liimseif of so great and un-
expectedly concurring advantages.

GHAPTER XIX.

Captain Burnea's conversations. — His humility.— Visit of Mirza
Sami Khan. — Resolutions of the amir and his advisers. — Their
disclosure.— My dissent. — The nawaVs opinion. — Nature of the
question. — Captain Burnes's notice of proposals. — Recommenda-
tions to Lord Auckland. — Unnecessary alarms of Persia. — Cap-
tain Burnes’s delusion as to the amir. — Captain Burnes's
neglect. — Dispute on prerogative.— Arrival of Vektavich. — His
suspicious credentials. — Dismay of Captain Burnes. — His im-
prudent admissions. — Huss4n Ali. — Opinions at Kabal. —
Replies of Government. — Despatch of Lieut. Leech to Kandahar.
— Rejection of Dost Mdhomed Kh4n*s proposals. — Perplexing
state of the mission. — Absence of nawib. — Rage of Dost
Mahomed Khan. — Unpleasant stay in Kabal. — Letter from the
Chairman of the Court of Directors. — Interview with Mirza
Sami Kl^in. — His remarks. — Intimation to quit Kabal. —
D'a^har conversations. — Determination to leave. — Proposals to
seize Captain Burnes.— Assault on my house. — Good-will of
the inhabitants, — ^Parting interview with Mirza Sami Khan. —
Remarks on the mission. — The Afghanistan correspondence. —
Delusive iuiclligence and reports. — Object of Vektavich. — His
reply to Dost Mdhomed Khan. — His return to Kandahdr. —
Abu Khan. — llaji Hussen Ali Khan, the Persian ambassador*

Tub clay after Captain Burnes’s arrival he placed
hefort^ mo the official documents relating to. his
mission. I (observed, after reading the instructions,
HO c^alied, that they were really none at all. He
replied, that Dr. Lord on joining him at HaidarabM
had madc^ the same remark.

452

CAPTAIN BUENES’S HUMILCTY.

Captain Burnes repeatedly saw the amir ; and his
conversations were not of the most prudent kind, ^
at least as I thought, for I considered it very un-
''advisable to 'excite expectations not likely to be
realized, an<5 to instruct a man, disposed to be san-
guine enough, how essential his alliance was to the
British government. The aipir and IMirza Kami
Khan were satisfied to listen to Cajttain Burnes ;
and did not explain their pretensions ; alleging, that
after his long journey a few days rc‘posl^ was re-
quired: their objects being to ascertain tin* temper
and habits of the envoy, as well as to agn’i* amongst
themselves on the terms to be proposed to him.*^

The amh- had every reason to exult in the humi-
lity of his new guest, who never addressed him but
with his hands closed, in the attitude of suppli-
cation, or without prefacing his r(*marks with
Ghaiib nawaz, your humble petitiom.'r, which
acquired for him in Kabal the sobri<iut't; of
Gharib Nawaz. My friends used jocularly to
tell me, I might as well leave ; and the amir
himself was well pleased to find Captain Burnes
more compliant and obsequious than I had l.Mjen.
Ihe Nawab Jabar Khan, however, took the liberty
of remonstrating with the envoy, and pointed out
to. him, that an agent of the British government
had no ocmion to fear, and that he might possibly
lepent having assumed so submissive a tone.

Nothing could be more certain than that British
reputation was highly considered in Kabal ; and it

’It

VISITi OF MIRZA SAMI KHAN. * 453

was supposed that a British mission would be coii-
^ ducted* with a certain degree of decorum. It ex-
cited universal surprise to witness the contrary,
and that the I’evels of Kamber All, at Kandaha^^
Avere surpassed by the amir’s new gueste at Kabal.
The amir, while receiving continual reports of what
Avas going on, forbad any notice to be taken, rejoic-
ing perhaps that the envoy’s intrigues were of any
other than a political nature, and well satisfied that
the mission should disappoint public expectation.

Mirza Sami Khan observing how matters stood,
honoured me Avith a visit at my house, the first he had
ever made me; and after a feAv long-winded obser-
vations, proposed that I should imitate the example
of my illustrious superiors, and fill my house with
black-eyed damsels. I observed, that my house was
hardly large enough, and he said that I should

have Shahz^da Ashraf s house, near the amir’s
^ ■

palace! I then asked, where the damsels were
to come from ; and he replied, I might select any
I pleased, and he would take care I should have
them. I told him, his charity exceeded all praise,
but I thought it better to go on quietly in my old
AA'ay, — and he dropped the subject. I related to
the nawab and others what had passed, and we
had a good laugh at the mirza’s expense, though
all agreed it was Avell that one of us should refrain
from committing himself, as strange things were
likely to happen. The subject of the intercourse
Avith Captain Burnes natui’ally occupied the atten-

454

RESOLUTIONS OF THE AMHl.

tion of the amir and his friends ; and IMirza Sami
Khan and Mirza Ima.m Verdi were seleeted to „
conduct it. The next step was to of)nsider the
^.erms for proposal to the Britisii govornmeut ; and
these being ‘resolved on, I was favoured by a visit
from the two mirzas. Tliey reiuindi'd me of the
solicitude I had shown that tlu' rec<'j)tiou of the
mission should l)e honourable and becoming, and
appealing to mo that they had done all that was
required, entreated, in return, that T would support
their interests. I had only to reply that, by repre-
sentation to Captain Burn(}S, and J could do no
more, T would support them, if T could with a clear
conscience d(j so ; and 1 prayed them, for the sake
of impossible or unlikely advantages, not to iu>glect
what was in their power to gain. They then re-
vealed the proposal they had agreed uj»on, which
was, that Peshawer was to be made ovg^r to the
amir, as the sine qua 7ion of any undirstanding with
the British government. I at once told them, that
Cai)tain Burnes might do as he pleased, but that 1
should dissuade him from listening to any such
terms. IVlIrza Smi Khan was now ansimis to
show me that his proposition originated Avith Mirza
Imam Verdi, and not Avith himself, and made the
latter say so, who maintaine<l that such an arrange-
ment was only due as a conscquenct' of the victory
at .lamrdd. I set my face entirely against the
proposal, and regretted that they should have deter-
mined upon it; and they left me, Mirza Sami Khan

• ••

NATURE OF THE aUESTION* • 455

• always exculpating himself from the charge of
^having jariginated it.

The Nawab Jabar Khan strongly pressed upon
Captain Burnes the necessity of firmly rejecting the
proposal about to be made to him, on which so'’
much depended. I did the same, in the most
forcible manner I could ; and showed him how
Mirza Sami Khan, anticipating his rejection, was
ready to excuse himself as being the author of it,
and to cast its blame upon Mirza Imam Verdi ;
or, in fact, that the proposal was not expected to
be received. I submitted to Captain Burnes that
his 'course was a very clear one. The pleasure of
Ranjit Singh to give up Peshawer afforded the
opportunity of settling the Afghin question in a
manner which could not have been looked for.
It might be made to benefit the brothers at Kfin-
dahdr and Peshawer equally with Dost Mahomed
Kh4n,* and the British government would, at all
events, have done its duty to them, and have ful-
filled its wish to benefit the Afghan nation. Cap-
tain Burnes urged that Dost Mahomed Khfin’s
pleasure might not be consulted, were Peshawer
made over to Sfiltan Mahomed Khan. I replied,
that I believed it would whatever he might say
to the contrary, but if not, let the arrangement be
made without him; he would soon crave to be ad-
mitted a party to it, as he would not venture to
avow interests in opposition to those of aM his.
countrymen, and could not afford to stand in -the

r ^

♦ * I

456 ' NOTICE OF PROPOSALS^

light of a proscribed person. Captain Burues did f
■■ not intimate what com-se bo -vvould pursue;, but in^
due time the interview with luin and the nurzas
took place. i').fter it was over I n'ceived a note from
him, which will at all events prove ho was Tiot takuui
by siu’prise.

“ I have had Mirza Saniee and fniain Xhu’dee with

€

me since breakfast, and they have* just made known
to me what you wrote, and 1 shall ttd! y<m my
answer when we meet you in the evening^.'’

Before the evening came T had learned, from
rumour, what the answer had been, ami a more
unfortunate one could not have been made. I t had
spread over the city, and become the talk of the
bazar; and an expre.ssion of the envoy's, that liunjit
Singh would be so delighted when he heard the
amir’s proposal that he would iire a shelyck, or
salvo of artillery, was repeated by evc'ij out' in
ridicule. *

When I saw Captain Bunies he expluiiu'd, that
the mu-zas had proposed, in ndtirn for tlu' cession
of Peshawer to the anur, that one of the lattcu's
sons should reside at Lahore with the maharajTi
as a hostage for his fether’s good Indniviour.
said, that he was so astonislieil that he made tlu‘
mir^as thrice re})oat what they ha<l said, to lx* sure
there was no mistake ; and that, satisiied there was
none, he had told them all would bo settled as they
wished. ■ I could only ex])ress my fears that the
worst results, would follow.

^ RECOMMENDATIONS. * 457

By this stroke the chiefs of Kandahar, who had
suffered Kamher All to depart, began, in self-de- ’•
fence, to renew their correspondence with Persia.
The Naw'db JabarKhan, and principals of the
party at K^bal, ceased to interest themselves in the
success of the mission, and either seldom visited the
•darbar, or, when there never talked on business.
No person of any respectability or character ever
called on Captain Burnes, and the mission was left
to follow' up its irregiilar career’, and to sink into
contempt.

Captain Burnes, as soon as he reached Kabal, had
intimated to Lord Auckland the advisability of mak-
ing the offer to Dost Mahomed Khan of guarantee-
ing to him the possession of Peshawer on the death
of Ranjit Singh ; he had now to forward his new
proposals. In less than three months, under any
circumstences, replies could not be expected. Dost
Mahomed Khan, for the moment supposing that
Captain Burnes would not approve the proposal
unless certain it would be acted upon, was satisfied ;
but the restlessness of the Kfindahar sirdars a little
disturbed the leisure wdrich Captain Burnes had
■gained. The correspondence with them led to an
offer by him to supply thenr Avith three lakhs of
rupees to repel any attack from Persia. I remon-
strated as much as I could against this offer, and
Captain Burnes finally apprised me he had made
it, observing, “Masson, I have gone the Avhole
hog.”

458

^UNNECESSARY ALARMS OF Fl'iltSLV.

It may be right to notice that, in the absence of
'■ special instructions for his guitlancc, Captain llunies ,
considered it was the intention of gov('rnment that
lj.e should do yrhat seemed to him best, when, if lu;
chanced to do what was thought proper, he woidd
receive unbounded applause ; if the contrary, he
would be -wig’ged. Agreeably to his j)urpose of mag-
nifying the danger to be apprehcndt'd from Pt'rsia,
and of attaching importance to transactions at Kan-
dahar, he contemplated the despatch of Lieutenant
Leech, one of his assistants, to that place. 1 opposed
the measure, thinking that, unless matters were
settled at Kabal, it w'ould only increase embarrass-
ment. I moreover felt certain it niust be totally
at variance M'ith Dost Mahomed Khan's wislu's,
an immaterial ])oint, if any )K-nefit wcwe to accrue
from it ; still, what might bo attended to, when, as
I clearly saw, evil was likely to arise from U. C!ai»-
taiu Burnes most positively allinned that tin’ tMuir
was consenting, or that Mu-xa Sand Khdn so as-
sured him, which made me suspect that (he aiidr
and his mirza might be pleased to witiu'ss the
farther complication such a visit would occasion.
There was some delay, however, in the de])arture of
Lieutenant Leech.

1 had from the beginning cantioiUHl (aptain
Burnes not to be deceived by Dost iMahoined Khan.
He argued, “ Oh, Masson, he is so shrewd~he talks
so sensibly.” I admitted that he could do ail that ;
still he was to be taken care oil' 1 luul no better

DEi^USION AS TO THE AMIR. 469

success than had the naw^b, who alike endeavoured
to persuade him that Dost Mahomed Khan was
anything but an angel. From my knowledge of
the amir, I could smile at receiving, such notes a^
this : “ I never had so kind a reception— he is every-
thing to us!” — “All went nobly on last night; he
was quite pleased,” &c. A very little time, how-
ever, sufficed to permit the growth of doubts in
the amir’s mind, whether the confidence of Captain
Burnes as regarded Peshaw^er -would be shared in
by his superiors at Calcutta, and he began to pay
him much less attention and respect, and Mirza
Sami Khan ceased to call upon him so frequently
and so regularly as before. Indeed the conduct of
the mission was often discussed in the darbar, and
many expressed their opinions that the amir had
deceived himself. Still, the infatuation of the envoy
seemed ^s strong as ever; and he was apparently
secure in the conviction that government would not
fail to adopt his recommendations. On one occar
sion. Dost Mahomed Khan being told he did wrong
to expect Peshawer from Captain Bumes, Mirza
Sami, present, said, he would step over to him and
ask. He represented to Captain Burnes that cer-
tain monafik^n, disaffected persons, had said, the
amir reposed foolishly on his promises. The envoy
replied : “ Only wait till Lord Auckland’s letter ar-
rives, and, by the grace of God, the faces of the
monafikan shall be blackened.” With this answer
the mirza returned in great glee to the darbar.

460

CAPTAIN BCllNES’S NEGLljCT.

Conscious that Dost Mahomed Khan’s propo-
sition would not be supported by the ^ifovewiment, ,
and equally aware that its rejection u-onhl gave rise
to violent anger and disaj>])ointnu'T)t, I nuudi strove
to induce Captain Burnes to urge upon government
the advantage of ascertaiping exactly Ranjit Singh’s
wishes as to Peslutwer, that we might lu' prt'pared
to meet the storm we had to ('mstunter at Kabul
by counter-propositions. Xot stispecting that go-
vernment would object to his recommendation, ('ap-
tain Burnes did not think this nect'ssary, and m'g-
lected it for a long time, and until too late. He was
in correspondence with Captain Wade, but it 'was
of a kind rather to delay than to ]>romote business.
In a note to me Captain Burnes writes : “ lU-re arc
all — You’ll see Wade has got it again from gov<>rn-
ment for ‘ commenting’ on my letters. 1 mn as-
tounded at his not having told Ranjit !4ingh a word
of what has passed here. No wondm’ he is ^sur-
prised,”

That the miiharaja was sinprised is Inwoud thmht,
for with Ms news-writers at Kfihai Ik‘ cotihl not hut
be aware of Captain Bnnies’s intercourse witlt the
amir, and of what had ])assod hetwt'oii them, lor
that was known to evc'iy pumpkiu-selhu- in the bazar,
lie in consequence addressed a lelt('r to the t‘nv<»y,
warning him that the Afghans vs’ere interest (sl and
bad people, and that I^ost iHahomed Khiln was a
■very wicked man, and a liar, but that Sulttm Md-
bomed Khan was in the sirkar's s('rviee, and had

DISPUTE ON PREROGATIVE. ' 461

been useful to him. I thought the purport of this
^letter jvas very plain, but Captain Burnes showed >
it to the amir on the idea that it was intended to
be shown to him, and informed th(\ maharaja h^
had done so. I ventured to predict Ranjit Singh
would not again address him, nor did he.

Captain Burnes, in place of urging upon Captain
Wade the necessity of ascertaining the maharaja’s
wishes, entered into a discussion about “ preroga-
tive,” — a note I have will explain its origin. “ Read .
you ever such insolence. The man talks of pre-
rogative!” Captain Wade had declai-ed, that to
comment on Captain Burnes’s despatches was his
prerogative. Captain Burnes retorted, that prero-
gative was only enjoyed by kings; and Captaiii
Wade answered, that he was mistaken, and sent him
the meaning of the word from Johnson’s Dictionary !
Two months were wasted in_ this very profitable
disoussion.

On the 19th of December Lieutenant Vektavich
reached Kabal, and rather suddenly, for we had
scarcely heard of his arrival at Kandahar when he
made his appearance. The sirdars of that place
were willing to have detained him, but he threw
his papers on the ground, and menaced them with
the Emperor of Russia’s vengeance should they do
so; Avhen, finding they had a very different kind
of a person than Kamber All to deal with, they
permitted him to proceed. His arrival at Killa
Kazi was announced to the ami]’, and some oik-*

I f

4G2 SUSPICIOUS CREDENTIALS OF VKKTAVICH.

was sent to inquire liis rank, tliat his reception
might he regulated- He i*eplie<l, that lu^ was no
olchl, but a messenger, or bearer of letters. Count
Nesselrode hqs since made him a commercial en-
voy ; if so, it was entirely unknown t<» himself, or
denied by him. Mirza Sami Kiidu impiiriMl of
the amir, where he should bt> lodgt'd, and n'Ctuving
a very careless reply, again subniilttHl that it was
proper he should bo infornu'd. The amir said,
“ lodge him ■svith Milhomed llussen at the nawfib’.s,
and there will be two liitias, or butlbons, together.”
The mirza had difficulty to get a better nqviy, but
it \vas finally settled that the mirza himself should
look after him, as, under his ey(> he could hohl no
improj)or communications.

The sirdars of Ivandalnir had written to tiu? amir
that they did not know what to make <'f the
Cossack, or of the fetter he had with liiiu, which
wanted signature and seal, hlnlla IJashid did-the
same, but also sent a show-letter, }mb!i.shed in page
7 of the Correspondence relating to Afghanistan,
which, for want of something better, has found a.
place there, although it explains, in the postscript,
its object to “rouse the mind of Alexander
Burnos.”

The letter, dated 2;}rd Deceinher, from

Captain Burnes to Lord Auckland, recording tlu^
former’s views and recommendations, ami of which
extracts arc given in page f) and 10 (vf tlu* Corre-
spondence, is too curious a docunn'iit for me to

DISMAY OF CAPTAIN BURNES.

463

pass over in silence, particularly as I must state,
once (or all, that Captain Bumes never showed i.

any of his despatches to government at the
time they were sent, the reason knew to be
that I should have protested againSS them. On
the other hand, all despatches from the government,
and even private letters from India and England,
were sent to me as soon as received. This ex-
planation is necessary with respect to this letter.
No. 6. The reports of Vektavich’s conversations
with the amir are absolutely false. Captain Buriies
gives them on the authority of two sources, both
of ‘whom were instructed by Mirza Sami Khlin
to delude him, the object being, like that of Millla
Rashid, to “ rouse the mind of Alexander Burnes.”

The arrival of Vektavich completely overpowered
the British envoy, and he abandoned himself to
despair. He bound his head with wet towels and
haivikerchiefs, and took to the smelling-bottle. It
was humiliating to witness such an exhibition, and
the ridicule to whicli it gave rise. The amir called
on the disconcerted envoy, and Mirza Sami Khdn
brought over the letter said to be from the emperoi',
for both of them had suspicions, in common with the
Kdndahar sirdars, that it might not be genuine, and
so they told Captain Burnes, who, however, at once
assured them it was genuine, and that there could
be no doubt of it. After this imprudent admis-
sion, the amir was at liberty to play off the Russian
and the Imperial letter. The latter, however, was

✓

« * f

4(>4 "" IMPRUDENT ADMISSIONS.

Irft %vitl\ Captain Burin.’S to be copied. I uulie-
" sitatiuft'ly oxia-ossed iny (*piniou that tli»> letter was
a fabrication, as far as the (nnperor was coiua'rncd,
but that it Wjis very prol)ably j 3 fot up in the Persian
canii) belbivf Herat, becatise without soiu<* such
document W'ktavich would not have dared to show
himself in A%hani.stAn. Captain Buriu's jiointed
out to me the lartye e.xterior seal on the tmvidcvjR',
on which were the Hussian aruH. 1 sent for a loaf
of Kussian .sn«-ar from th(‘ linzar, at tlu' laittoni of
which we found precisely the same kiml of seal.
Captain Burnes shrng<;<'<l his sh<iulders, (devatisi his
eychrows, and rolled his tongue* round his eheek,
but ho had done the evil iu not allowing tlu* andr
and Mirza Sami Khun tin* benefit of their own
doubts. Count Nesselrode, iu aekuowledging the
mission of Vektavieh, tnay be supposed tu have
adopted this letter, ulthongh he does not expressly
do so; 1 still, howevt>r, believe it to havi* lletai a
fabrication, while admitting the- Hussian niinisters
dexterity iu relinquishing projects lu* never enter-
tained. It tnay be further remarked of this docu-
ment, that it was not written by the count at the
emperor’s command, but purporteil to be from the
emperor himself, another proof, in my ('stimation,
that it was not genuine, — howt'ver, on that very
account well calculated to deci'ivi* Dost .Miiliomed
Kh4n. The arrival of Vektavieh with his It'tter
astonished the amir, particularly as ho w'as uncon-
scious of having written a lettc'i* to Russia, and for

RECEPTION OP VEKTAVICH. * 465

the moment did not remember Hilsseu All, and he
required to be told that ho was the son of Baji iNJur~»'
^ wari. He then observed I gave him no letters, and
Mfrza Sami Khan explained that he had writti^n
one, and claimed to himself znuch crOTit for having
prociu’ed the amir the honour of a reply from the
emperor. Whether the amir believed his inirza or
not, I cannot tell.

It was known that Hiissen All had aceonqianioi!
Vektavich from Bokhara to Orenburg, llis non-
appearance with the Cossack officer was considm'cd
in Kabal badly accounted for by the pretenci* stated
of* his being sick at Moscow, and the genm-al opi-
nion was, that Vektavich had niurdma'd liim — ami
this I state not wishing to belie Vektavicli, but to
show the little respect in which he and his mission
were.held by all, alas ! but the British envoy — Vt'k-
tavich indeed had a musket with him wliicli was
knpw'u to have belonged to Hiissen Ali.

; j The reception of Vektavich was not such as
be had reason to boast of and in the liouse of
Mirza Sami Khan he resided, in fact, nndt'r sur-
veillance.

Eoplies to Captain Buriies’ lettei-s, and to his pro-
posals to the government had begun to arrive, 'fhe
government was then in possession of sohriidy of judg-
ment and honourable, feeling, from which it since so
strangely u-andcred. To the pivqio.sal that a promise
should be made to the amir, of IVshawer on flic
diaith of llanjit Singh, the reply was dignificil and
VOL. in. 2 II

466

MISSION OP LIKUTKNAXT I4-1HCH.

proper, deprecating' tlu' delicacy ef spectilaliiig tm
'the death of an individual. To t!u‘ propf^sa! ti>
elevate t)ost ]Vfahome<l Khan to grt'at dignity and^
]).o\ver, the rcjdy was, wis<‘ly, that it. was not the
policy of thc^ governinent to estahlish ;i great Ma-
homedan kingdom in that tpiarter.

Immediately after tlu* arrival oi‘ N'ektavicli, Lieu-
tenant Loecdi was sent to Kandniiar; he was fur-
nished with no instructions, for nom* couhl lie given
to him; his pr(‘s<‘nce was to create what is so
vaguely termed a moral iidhieiHM'. ! entirely <lis-
approved his mission, hut Captain Hurnes pei-sisted
it w'as with the pleasun' of tin* amir, whiidi I, never-
theless, could not believe. Tli(>re <'an he no doubt
that Licuttmant Leeeli signalized hiuisidf at Kan-
dalulr. With his metlmd of establishing ;i nntral
influence I have nothing to <lo, hut a note me
from Captaiji Burnes may throw a litth‘ Jight on
his political proceedings. “Here is a hdter* fonn
Leech. He has done 1 thitik qtiite rigid to utivise
Meher Bil to come here and to niise (ihazees-— and 1
am glad to see he knows our footing with Ih-rsia so
well.” In the evening when I saw Captain Burnes
I told him that I thought Leech had done (|aitt>
wrong, and susjiectiug it might l)e so, in his de-
spatches to government ho all that had

been written about the (Ihazees, or so In* inform-
ed me.

At length a reply was received from govern-
mant to the despatch of Captain Burnes rt?porting

tJOVKRNM KNT DESPATCH.

4G7

, the offer of a siiTm of money, — three Iiikhs of rupees
— to Kandaliar for the purpose of repelling Persia.*
Vllie Governor-general in the strongest terms ex-
pressed his regret and disappointmeEt, and directed
Captain Burnes to rescind his oifer wieh, as very
correctly stated, involved the grave questions of
peace and war. The despatch was a very long
one, and a letter *from the private seex’etary ap-
jmsed Captain Burnes that it was specially dictated
by the Governor-general. His lordship here omit-
ted to do what was farther necessary — to re-
cal the envoy whose acts had the tendency to
commit and embarrass the government. The folly
of sending such a man as Captain Burnes without
the fullest and clearest instructions, was now shovra,
and to do him justice, he observed that had a simi-
lar • exposition of the government views been fiir-
jiished to him in the first instance, he would never
hav,e Committed himself. Recovering a little from
the alarm it occasioned him, he still affected to be-
lieve his own judgment of affairs the right one, al-
though it now became his painful task to undo all
he had done, and to destroy all the expectations he
had so unhappily raised in the bosom of the amir.

He made a curious remark on this occasion to me,
that it was strange that Lord Auckland, the Nawab
Jabar Khan and myself, held the same opinions on
Afghfin affairs, never I suspect conceiting that we
might be right and he wrong.

The jiroposal to give Peshawer to the amir, Ran-

468

^ ANXIETY OF CAPTAIN BURNES.

jit Smgli receiving in I’eturn one of liis sons, Inni
'' never been made to the maharaja, C'a|)tain nde
denouncing it, and I am sorry to say, justly, as “ iii-
sidious,” — ^the government thought so too. (‘:i])tuin

■r- f y 1*'

Wade, however, had not ascertained the mahurajiis
intentions as regarded Peshawer, and when diretdial
by the government to learn them, n-as obliged to
report that the rhjas had returned to Lahore, and
his influence was set aside. The muhiiraja’s wishes
were, therefore, never knovni, and we had no means
of softening the disappointment of the amir, wliieh
any arrangement about the disputed territory might
have enabled us to do.

Captain Burnes, as soon as he perceived a crisis
had come on, asked where that old fool the nawab
was. He was at Tatang, where Captain Burnes a
month before had sent him. The nawfib had a long
time before sent his family there, but waited in Ka-
bal until his lordship’s replies should arrive. ' Cap-
tain Burnes was sometimes told that he kept the
nawab from his ladies, which he took ill, ami in-
sisted that the nawdb should go down to them. I
saw the old gentleman before leaving, and ho laugh-
ingly said that Sekander had turned him out of Ka-
bal. He asked me v'hat I. thought of affairs, and 1
put the question to him. He said they mnv. tjanda
or rotten. I observed, I fear so, and bantered him
on getting so nicely out of the way. Ho promised
that whenever the despatches from government
reached, he would, on being informed, be in Kabal

CAPJDAIN BURNES AND THE AMIR? 469

the day after. Captain Burnes now sent an express
for tjie nawab, who immediately returned to th@
city, after which he communicated to the’ amir, the
contents of the letters he had received, at the sa^e
time delivering a letter to, the ami^ address from
the Governor-general.

The conduct of Captain Burnes in this state of
things was, in my opinion, neither the con-ect nor
the judicious one. That he had approved the pro-
posals of the amir there can be no doubt ; instead,
therefore, of acknowledging his own error in having
done so, he adopted the strange course of calling
the amir to task for having made them. A very
pretty interview necessarily passed, which a note
from him to me written immediately after, will,
perhaps, show. “ It is impossible to write all, and
f(Jr me to come to you or you to me before dinner
might ^show our funk. I gave it fearfully and left
him in a furious rage, but not a word was forgotten
of which I prepared for him. He gave the old
story — -no benefit — no one cares for a falling
nation — I offered my wares for sale, and you would
not buy.”

I may observe that Captain Burnes had not been
a month in Kabal before Dost Mahomed Khfin be-
gan to look upon him with very slight respect, and
the remai’ks he made could scarcely be concealed
from Captain Burnes. The latter alike gTew to
think less amiably of the amh-, and used frequently
to appeal to me as a witness that his opinions had

» i

470 ' INDECISION OF THE AMliR.

changed. God knows both the nawab and myself
-•had abundantly cautioned him to be on his.guard
from the Very first. His present violent behaviour
hjid consequently something very annoying to the
amir, who in«4ruth hardly deserved such nuh' tre:it-
ment in this instance, which the nawfib also lament-
ed, while wishing Captain Burues had coiuincueed
his negotiations in a firmer tone.

From this period Captain Burnes’ residtsnce in
Kabal had become more disagreeable than before;
and I do not doubt but he would have retire<l, had
not Doctor Lord and Lieutenant Wood been some
time previously sent to Kunddz, and the latter of-
ficer had gone thence to Badakshan. It is certtiin
he ought to have left Kdbal, for his presence was
only productive of increased mischief and disgi’ace,

■ — although he justified his stay to government by
the common-place plea of moral effect. Dost Ma-
homed Khan was very uneasy, and even at times -so
undecided, that he once signified he was willing to
accede to whatever the govonuneut wished, — an-
other time Mirza Sami Khan propost'd that the
throat of Vektavich should be cut, and again pro-
mised to renounce connexion and intercourst^ with

the west if assured of protection against Pereia. I

would not vouch that these offers were siacendy
made, but they were made. Captain Burnes would
listen to nothing, — one of his notes to me may {ex-
plain why. “ This brings the ameer to ask in what
way he has not met the wishes of government. T

IHE CHAIRMAN’S LETTER. * 471

might have asked in return in what way has he ?
but I, am sick of the matter, and visited him for
Hhree hours and never touched on business. Why
should I ? — Vektavich is here, and has no intentiqp
of moving, — the good ameer declin^ all prelimi-
naries for peace with Ranjit Singh, and writes to
Candah&, and also tells me that he has no hope
from our government,— but enough.”

Captain Bumes did not cease to press on the
attention of government the danger, from Persia
and Russia ; and his desire for action was admirably
seconded by letters he received from England. I
have a note in which is written, “ I send you a
letter to read from the chairman of the directors,
who in truth wishes to W(dJe on. I wish they would
be moved who are nearer.” This letter from the
chairman was certainly a singular one, for it an-
nounce^ no less than a determination to take the
Paojab, Captain Burnes being promised the con-
duct of the expedition. Sir John Hobhouse, in his
spe'ech to the House of Commons on the 23rd June,
1842, states that a despatch to Lord Auckland “ at
the end of October, 1838, instructed his lordship
in council to pursue very marly the same course,
which it afterwards appeared he had adopted with-
out knowing our opinions.” It appears, therefore,
his lordship did not pursue quite the course recom-
nu'iidod by Sir John Hobhouse and the Secret
t'ominittee, and it is not impossible the slight error
was made of marching to Kabal instead of to La-

i I

472 ' INTERVIEW WITH THE MIRZA-

Iiore, — at least, such may be inferred from this '
'■ letter of the chairman, who was one of the Secret
Committee. This letter w'as sent by Captain Burnes '
t9 Lord Auckland through the private se<.‘rc‘tary, IVIr.
Colvin, and t^ame back with the expression of his
lordship’s approval.

iMy intercourse with the Amir and IVIirza Sami
Khan had ceased altogether, the latter, seeing the
bad turn atfiiirs had taken, now wished to see me.
Captain Bunies recommended mo to call on him.

I was with him nearly the whole day. He com-
menced by setting forth that his relative, Mirza
Jafar Kh^, had purchased land, had built castles,
had planted orchards and vineyards, and wished to
keep them, — and left me to apply the meaning of
what he said. I observed that I thought I under-
stood it, that every one desired to keep hi.s -o^y-n,
which I believed was so exactly what our g()v<;rmm>nt
wished, that I was surprised there should have betm
any misunderstanding on the matter. I'Ik' mirza
agreed that I was right. lie then, u-ith refenmee
to the negotiations with Captain Burnes, urged that
I must have known better, and I pointed out that
he was well aware of my opinions from the first.

I had dissuaded him from making ohnoxious pro-
posals, and Captain Burnes from listening to them.

More was out of my power. He asked how could
Captain Burnes, unauthorised, sanction the proposal,
and how could so great a government as that of
India depute a « hillah mirdem,” frivolous man, as

J-HE MIRZA’S OPINIONS. * 473

he had proved to be ? I replied that the govern-
ment bad sent him, believing him to be the person :
'who would be most acceptable to them, and’I prayed
Mirza Sami not to allow any presumed defect jn
Captain Burnes’ manner to make hhn lose sight
of that officer’s good intentions, for, however he had
erred, and I regretted he had done so, it was still
in the wish to serve them that he had incurred the
displeasure of government. He next alluded to
the despatch of Lieutenant Leech to Kandahar, and
said the amir was much pleased with me for having
remonstrated against it. I urged that Captain
Burnes constantly assured me that the amir was
delighted at his going. The mirza said on the
contrary, but that they assented, lest Captain Burnes
should take it ill. I then remarked that here w'as
thb cause of all our evil, — you say what you do not
mean;, but, unluckily. Captain Burnes has not had
sufficient experience of you to know it, and he
takes you at your word, but again you are to blame
and not he. But what a gMl to send ! remarked
the mirza. He then mentioned the despatch of
Dr. Lord and Lieutenant Wood to Kunduz, and
said they did not go to cure Mahomed Morad Beg’s
brother’s eye, but to visit Badakshan ; and further,
that Badrodin had received a letter from Mirza
Badla telling him that Dr. Lord, instead of curing
the diseased eye, had put the sound one out. Lieu-
tenant Vektavich and his letter were discussed, the
document being displayed before us. I persisted

474 ' STATEMENTS AND ARGUM^S-

that I had little faith in it, explaining' for what
-reasons, and most certainly the inirza was as little
credulous as I was. He inquired whether the Rus-
sians would do such a thing as to seiul a fabricated
letter. I atf^ once exonerated the Emperor, but
thought it very likely Cloutte and such people
would. This led mo to oxplam to him that any
hope of benefiting by a collision betwtHm England
and Russia was ridiculous; for not only did friendly
relations exist between the two states, but should
dilferences arise they would be adjusted in Europe,
not in Kabal. We talked a long time about Herat
and Persia, and I endeavoured to convince him
that it was nonsensical to have any apprehension
from Mahomed Shah, for he could nev«‘r drr'am of
coming into Afghanistan unless positively invite<I,
which, again, were any of the chiefs there to d(?, the
mass of the people would reject both them nu<l him.
If by any infiituation, contrary to all probability, he
should advance, it would only be to bo luted, or
plundered. The question of Peshawi'r was then
broached, and he said that if it wore given to Sfil-
tan Mahomed Khan, it would bo I'ight to ri'com-
pense the amir for haA'ing maintained him and ins
adherents in exile. I did not tell him that 1 had
recommended a sum annually to be given to the
amir on this very account, hut contented myself by
observing the amir had a claim on that head to con-
sideration. — He then said that many of Sultan Ma-
homed Khan’s old servants now in the amir’s service

INUTILITY OP INTERCOURSE. - 475

would leave it ; 1 remarked that it would be better
• amir’s finances would be eased, and

^t Kabal they would only do harm by their intrigues.
I spoke in the most unreserved manner of the danger
of their position, and repeated to him wS»at I had her’
fore told him on more than one occasion, that the
present state of affairs in Kabal could not endure,
and that the govenlment, embarrassed as it was,
must fall to pieces unless supported by the aid and
countenance the British government in deputing
Captain Burnes had tendered. Mirza Sami Khan
did not deny the truth of this, but he asked, « To
whht are we to agree?” No question could be more
perplexing. My reply was, “ By heavens ! I know
no more than yoUj but I am certain you will not
be required to agree to anything hurtful,” and then
adde4 “We must agree to everything without
knowing what, and then we shall find out.” Be-
fore we separated, it was arranged that Mii-za Sami
Khan, who had discontinued his visits to Captain
Burnes, should call on him the next day, and I w'as
to attend. The next day I heard nothing more, but
on the following I was sent for. Mirza Sami Khan
was disgusted at Captain Burnes’ declamation, and
I must confess I was no less so. It was clear
enough it was no longer wished to settle matters.

Both the amir and Mirza Sami Khan had inti-
mated to Captain Burnes that business was over, but
that he might, if he chose, remain a month or so
at Kdbal, which was understood, by every one but

476

INDELICATE EXPOSURES.

himself, as a wisli he should leave, hut it was not
convenient to do so until Dr. Lord and Ijieutenant
Wood returned. ’ i

This delay brought about tunny uu{)le;tsaut cir-
Tjumstances „<nd discussions. Some of the people,
who had kept aloof sinct^ the arrival of the mission,
one evening ventured to ask tlu' amir what he was
doing with Sekander. He replieti that lu' did not
know. He had told him to go, but he stayed;
he was ignorant for what object, 'ritev suggested
he should send for me. lit* said In; would, and
if satisfied with what I said, he would throw himself
on the government. Two messages went brought
to me that the amir was in th(> humour to have
a conversation with me, and informing (''ajitain
Burnos, I remained at home, supposing 1 might
be sent for. It did not hajipeu so; whey «the
darhdr was over, jntere.ste<l pc'rsons contrived to
draw his attention to other things, amr if, jvas
forgotten. I could havts .stam him at m\\ time,
hnt refrained from troubling him. for 1 well knew,
however I might bo able to bring liim to think
reasonably, Captain Bnmos would spoil what \voul<l
he done.

Some indelicate expo,sures, alfecting some of the
suite of Captain Burnes, probably a<-celeratt‘d his
departure, for suddenly lu- determined to imsve
without waiting for the arrival of Dr. Lord and
Lieutenant Wood, w-ho were on the roa<I to join
him. I never knew the exact reason for tlu* pre-

.» cipitancy, and tliouglit, as he had waited so long,

^ he mi^ht have remained another two or three days
tfor his companions. •

The contempt into which the mission had fallen,
indeed, prompted certain persons to pfopose to the «
amir the seizure and spoil of the envoy, and while
proffering to commit the deed they had repeated
the fatiha in his pre?!ence. The amir did irot sanc-
tion the measure, although he did not rebuke the
proposers. A very general report spread over the
country, that Captain Burnes was to be made a
victim, but I understood the intention, never perhaps
errtertained by the amir, was abandoned ; indeed,
at that time, it would have been pei’ilous in the
extreme to have attempted such a thing, and there
were plenty of us in Kabal to have made it recoil
on»t][jose who imagined it.

I had, during my residence at Kabal, been fa-
voured* with many attacks on my house, the last
I experienced about this time. I w'as sitting alone
in my room with the door open, and had just time
to close it against a paity coming up the stairs.

In their flight they fell one over the other, and
then over some water-jars at the bottom of the stair-
case. After leaving KMial, I became informed of
two of the men employed on this occasion, although
such knowledge did not enlighten me as to their
employers.

When it was known in Kabal that we were
about to leave, there was a wish on the part of

478

ABMJPi' DKI’AKTI HK

many of the iiihsihitants to jm'seiit me wiUi »ui
^address, which I declined; it was su;’-;reste<l it^
miffht serve me with tin* u'evcniineiit, hut 1 imM
tested against any favour fmm the govcrnnient to
K)e gained h^^such an instrument.

I w’as wholly unprejianal for so ultrnpt a depar-
ture as we !na<le ; three of my servunts were in
the Kohistan, and nnahh' to 1«af(' my tdfects packed,

I was coni])ened to distribute more than half of
them to my neiglihonrs. On the 2(»th of April
Captain Biinies jua'ceded me to Bhut Khak, and
I followed him. On tlie morning ttf the 27th,
IVIlrza Sami KIiAii, who had come to the camp,
asked Captain iinrnes if it were possible to renew
negotiations, lie was tolil it was md. lie then
came and cmhmeed me, and st'cnusl quite surprised
to learn I was going, saying he had hoped I ^I’owld
remain, that there was no occasion for me to leave,
that no one was angry with me, that T haTl lived
many years with them in credit, and that nothing
conld happen to Iwsen me in estimation, and so
forth. I had only to say I was sorry to leave in
such a manner, but, as they thought prtqufr to r(‘j(‘ct
Burnes, I had no option. \Ve th<'n nunintei! our
horses, Captain Burnes saying to hun Yonr leaving
them, Ma®ou, is ‘ the uiikimh’st cut of all.’ ”

Thus closed a mission, one «d‘ the tnost extraor-
dinary ever sent forth by a government, wludher
as to the singular manner in which it was con-
ducted, or as to the results. There was umloubt-

PRINTED CORRESPONDENCE.

470

odiy great Ijiame on all sides. Tlie government
liad furnished no instructions, apparently confi<Iing
the 'discretion of alnan who had none. .Captain
Burnes I always thought was very wrong in not
having insisted upon being provided with them 4
his vanity and presumption led him, perha]>s, to
despise them, or even to rejoice that they had
been omitted — his ‘best exeiise for tlie series f)f
blunders he committed. Dost IMaliomed Khan
and his friends were, I think, most to be pitied.
They had, indeed, shown the cloven foot, but it was
the general opinion in Kabal, and was mine, that
had tliey l)ecn pro|)erly treated, they would have
done us much as could have been hoped froni them.

Of this mission & very inadequate idea would be
formed from the printed correspondence — in truth,
sciycely any at all. It is deplorable to road the
worthless evidence there adduced, and the erroneous
impressfons of the deluded envoy. The intelligence
from KAndahar, so frequently cited, was from the
communications of one Mahomed Tahii’, a servant to
hJohan Lull, and these were, clearly enough, written
at the <lictation of Meher Dil Khan himself, to
“ rouse the mind of Sekander Burnes.” The com-
jnnnication, enclosure No. 28, dated 19th July,
1888, is from a Frenchman named Carron, in Kabal.
The sad manner in which Gaptaiu Burnes misre-
presented facts, I cannot better show than by allu-
sion to No. 13, a letter to Mr. Macnaghten, page
14, in which my name happens to be mentioned.

'482 AFGHAN ENVOY AND 1‘ERSIAN AMHASKADOR.

promised; he very properly ro]>litHl he was no 1)ankrr
jvho carried money about with liini ; — (hat (In* amir
must send his envoys with him to tin* Persian’
camp where they would gvt it. Had not the Kau-
dahdr Si’dar been at Kabal, the (“hama' was (hal
Vektavieh might in reality have lia<l his (hroat cut.
As it was the anur despatched one Abu Khatu
Barak Zai, with Vektavieh, add lu‘, as will ht'
seen in enclosure No. 38, ])age 32 of the (.'orri'-
spondence, accompanied him to Kandahar, and then
“disappeared.” In the same encdosure, No. 38, the
name of Haji Hussen Ali Khan figures as the
Persian ambassador ; this was the same man who
Calcutta presented forged credentials from Dost
Mahomed Kluvn. Do governnu'iits deserve e(m-
tempt or pity for being infliumced by (In* move-
ments of such impostors and scoundrels? ^

480

. CAPTAIN SCENES AND YEKTAVKUl.

He states that lie has more i«-rouu<Is for In'lievin-x
that Captain Vektavich, the Hussiaii^ ageiit sO ^
KA,haI, is charged with letters for lluiijeet Singh,#
&c., &c. “In the course of }'ester(lay, Mr. Ma-^sou
was informed that the Russian ngnmt liad !ett»n-s
for the Malutriljiih, and the purport of tlnmi was
to the effect, that if his highness did not uitlidraw
from Peshawer, the Russian •gov<‘rnment would
compel him.” Now I nevm- was informed that
Vektavich had letters for Ranjit Singh, imt 1 was
informed that, at the amir’s re(iue.st, he was going
to write -letters; and that Captain Runies knew
more than this may be doubted from the follow-
ing note to me. “V has agreed to write to

Runjeet Sing and tell him the amir is nmh'r R n
protection, ^so to Allard!” 1, moreover, at the
time remarked to him, why should not VekRiych
write? what does he care to whom he writes, or
Ea ^Yritfis ? certainly attaching no imfiottanm*

to anything he wrote. 1 was, therefore, surprised
to find my authority <|uoted in his letter. I have
another singular note, with wspect to \h‘ktayieh,
which may he worth while giving, as exmnpliiying
the plan on which Caidain Burnes finl the alarm
of the government. He hud Just seen the amir,
and writes, “ I will tell you all Mlnm we meet, but
the most astoimdmj intelligence I had given me
by him on the Russian’s authority was, that Russia
had sent four thousand men to the east of th<‘ Cas-
pian, to keep the Toorkmans in check while the

, 7 %

DEPAETUEE OF YEKTAVICHv •

S- ■ '

shall attacked Herat.” This report went to govern-
ment without any remark that it was utterly un-
% foiuufed. That it must be false I pointed out,
saying that Vektavich was sent to tell lies, that
he kept himself in Kabal by telling, lies ; still ^nt
was more than pity that Captain Burnes should
be deceived, or that he should lend himself to
deceive the goverfiment. On fifty occasions I had
to protest against the delusive intelligence he for-
warded without explanation ; his excuse, indeed,
was that he merely sent reports as he received
them, and was not responsible for their truth ; yet
on some of these very items of intelligence, which
the most an-ant blockhead in Kabal would have
rejected as fallacious, and which no one, I venture
to say, would have dared to make to me, a govern-
Hjent of India and a British ministry justify the
monstrous policy they followed, nor feel ashamed
to Inipose them upon the ignorance of a British
parliament, and to stultify the nation as to the
character of their wanton proceedings !

We left Vektavich in Kabal. I had always
thought his object was merely to see what Captain
Burnes was doing — that he achieved more was
owing to the folly of Captain Burnes himself. As
soon as the mission disappeared, V ektavich had no
longer a motive in staying, and he thought of re-
turning, which, luckily for him, the arrival of Meher
Dll Khan from Kandahar enabled him to do. Dost
Mahomed Khan asked him for the money he had

VOL. in. 2 ^

V^V- * ■ ' '

f r. r

'482 AFGHAN ENVOY AND PERSIAN AMBASSADOR.

promised; he very properly rcjdied he was lu* 1i:mk(>r
jvho carried money about with him : — that the umir
must send his envoys with him to tlu' Fersiuii ■*
camp where they would get it. Had not the Kan-
dahdr Si'lar been at Kabul, tlie ehatiee was th.-u

Vektavich might in reality liave had ins tfirosst cut.
As it was the amir d(>spatehed one A ini Khan,
Barak Zai, with Vekttivicdi, aitd lu'. as will he
seen in enclosure No. 118, pagt' 112 of th<' Corre-
spondence, accompanied him to Kandahar, and then
“disappeared.” In the .same enelosnre, No, bS, the
name of Haji Hussen AH Khan lignre.s as the
Persian ambassador; this was the .same man who tM
Calcutta presented forged credentials from Dost
Mahomed Ivlnin. Do gov(>rmuents di'svrve con-
tempt or pity for being inllucnced Ity tite move-
ments of such impostors and sconndrcls f ^

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